Part 10 
 
Marx is a beautiful thing and absolutely clear concerning the difference 
between the law of value on the one hand and the law of value as it operates on 
the basis of the bourgeois property relations. THE LAW OF VALUE IS NOT A 
CAPITALISTIC LAW. The law of value is the most basic law of commodity 
production - 
not capitalism, and arise in history centuries before the advent of the 
"capitalist mode of production."
 
Marx says that during the transition period of history between capitalism and 
communism: 
 
1. " . . . the same principle prevails as that which regulates the exchange 
of commodities, as far as this is exchange of equal values. 
 
2. Content and form are changed, because under the altered circumstances no 
one can give anything except his labor, 
 
2a. and because, on the other hand, nothing can pass to the ownership of 
individuals, except individual means of consumption. 
 
3. But as far as the distribution of the latter among the individual 
producers is concerned, the same principle prevails as in the exchange of 
commodity 
equivalents: a given amount of labor in one form is exchanged for an equal 
amount of labor in another form.
 
http://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1875/gotha/ch01.htm 
 
Let us get into the heart of this to understand why Trotskyism was rejected 
and called hostile to Marxism. Mr. Trotsky is quoted as stating: 
 
>"the distribution of life's goods is carried out with a capitalistic measure 
of value and all the consequences ensuing therefrom.â<
 
I ask again: 

What is a "capitalistic measure of value," (that is) "bourgeois, insofar as 
the distribution of life's goods is carried out?" 
 
What Trotsky has written in utterly incoherent and makes no sense. 
 
The exchange of commodity equivalents in the Soviet Union did not take place 
on the basis of private ownership of means of production.  The political 
revolution abolished the rule of capital and this is what changed "the form and 
content" of commodity production in the Soviet Union. 
 
>"the distribution of life's goods is carried out with a capitalistic measure 
of value and all the consequences ensuing therefrom.â< 
 
I could bite a brick in half at such an outrageous lie and repudiation of 
Marx under the banner of Marxism.   
 
There is no such thing as a "capitalistic measure of value" because the 
measure of value is labor content not the property relations or distribution. 
What 
on earth does this "capitalistic measure of value" mean? That we pluck the eye 
out of a capitalist and then put it in our eye socket and then look at value? 
Or a capitalist stands on one side of the street and a communist stands on 
the other side and both measure the labor content of commodities and come up 
with the same amount of hours - say ten, and the communist is accused of being 
bourgeois!!! 
 
The Trotskyites scream and say, "no this is not what I meant. Value or the 
exchange of labor equivalents is really measured by distribution and the guys 
over there working harder and longer hours can get more than me and I am not 
going to work a 80 hours week and that ain't socialism." 
 
We communist workers reply:
 
"But brother, I have a wife and four children and I believe we are building a 
new world of socialism and I plan to work until I drop dead. The Soviet 
government, our government raised wages in the war industries and that sector 
of 
the economy that makes the machines that make the machines and since I am a 
machinists I am going to make some tanks because the bourgeoisie is coming for 
us 
sooner or later. I have just started reading Marx but I think this wage 
differential is designed to attract labor to this sector of the economy. " 
 
The Trotskyites screams, "but that shit ain't right because socialism means 
there should not be a wage differential." 
 
"Fine brother but where did Marx say there is no wage differential under 
socialism? Did Marx not explain that skilled labor is unskilled labor 
compounded 
and even if my skill gets me a higher wage that does not mean the peasant 
children and the children of the great unskilled proletarian masses are denied 
higher education or public transportation, vacations, pensions, access to 
cultural 
pursuits and all of "life's goods."  My 80 hours of work piss off the wife 
but does it not add to the general pool of labor in society?"
 
"You're a stupid worker hypnotized by Stalin and cannot understand that we 
are using a capitalistic measure of value . . ."
 
"Wait a moment comrade. My 80 hours is measure against your 44 hours, which 
is your right to work and you saying that 80 = 44 and anyone who does not 
understand this is using a capitalistic measure of value?" 
 
"But you can buy more vegetable than me and I heard that you are going to 
Moscow in front of a lot of people on the list." 
 
"Well, yes. I am going to Moscow because the call was issued for all 
machinists to line up as one man on the labor front in the war industries and I 
cannot 
work if I do not have a place to sleep, although I volunteered to sleep in 
the plant. I hear that Hitler said we were not shit and he was going to crush 
us 
because we overthrew our bourgeoisie. I am getting living quarters in front 
of you because of my skill with machines and because the wife and kids refused 
to sleep in the plant with me and the wife is going to leave my ass if I do 
not stop trying to get one of those Hero of Labor Medals."
 
"Goddamit that is capitalistic distribution of "life's goods" and privileges 
of a tiny segment of society and next you are going to join the party and kiss 
Stalin's ass and work 85 hours so that your family can live better than me."
 
"Listen . . . please because we go back twenty-five years and played together 
as kids and you know my wife and kids and they love you. You have gone from 
being my brother to being a comrade and then you say things that do not make 
sense to me. Then you are trying to get people to support you at work and not 
work extra hours, even if they volunteer. Do you understand that you are 
organizing against the skilled guys going to the war front and advocating 
people 
withhold their labor and support your way?"
 
So called theory and politics becomes orientation, behavior and approach to 
real life task. 
 
Value is the amount of socially necessary labor embodied in commodities and 
this does not change whether one is in a socialist society during the 
industrial epoch or a capitalist society. The question is most certainly 
distribution 
of "life's goods" and the distribution of "life's goods" in the Soviet Union 
was not on the basis of capitalism or a "capitalistic measure of value." 
 
The economic house of cards of our "ML" is built upon Trotsky's misconception 
of the law of value, how it operated in the Soviet Union, condemnation of the 
Stakhanovite Movement as a non-socialist movement of labor or a capitalist 
movement of labor, since we are not talking about feudalism and this 
condemnation is based on the existence of wage differentials. This wage 
differentials is 
the result of a misunderstanding of socialism and writing into the 1936 Soviet 
- Stalin, Constitution the he who does not work shall not eat. 
 
But wait a minute it gets "better" as our "ML" follows Trotsky far away from 
anything resembling Marxism. The real problem we are told is: 
 
"inequalities in the sphere of consumption continue, so long as âbourgeois law
â continues to dominate, a bureaucracy is bound to rise in the workersâ 
state, and the state is bound to grow more and more despotic." (Quote from part 
7) 
 
The bureaucracy arise from the inequality of distribution and this 
distribution is a capitalistic measure of value - not because bourgeois 
property has 
been abolished, but because the inequality is unequal.  
 
Our "ML" ends this section by stating - hold on to your stomach: 
 
"Trotsky thus brilliantly explains the material basis for the rise of the 
Stalinist bureaucracy." http://www.marxmail.org/chapter7.htm
 
We traveled from Marx brilliant concept of  "bourgeois right" and witnessed 
its conversion into something called "bourgeois law" to prove that distribution 
was based on a capitalistic measure of value and then went from "the 
bureaucracy" to the Stalinist bureaucracy and along the way we trashed the law 
of 
value - the socially necessary amount of labor in a commodity; called the 
transition to communism a transition from capitalism to socialism, condemned 
material 
incentives as being offensive to the flesh and socialism, called the 
proletarian state a bourgeois state without the bourgeoisie . . . wait a 
minute. 
 
What is the bourgeois state and bourgeois production without the bourgeoisie? 
What is the feudal state and feudal landed property relations and production 
without the feudal lords? A bunch of serf running around kicking each other 
asses? Wait a minute . . . if there are no feudal lords can a feudal serf still 
be a feudal serf? 
 
The economic and social - political, problem of Soviet socialism was that the 
working class was not the same working class that exists under capitalism, 
although the low level of development of the industrial system imparted to it 
features we incorrectly call capitalism, that are in fact industrial. This is a 
historical question and a historical error on the part of the entire world 
communist movement. 
 
Generally speaking communists have had at least 10 years to catch up with the 
new developments in the means of production and it might take another 10 
years for a world reformulation. 
 
Dig . . . the working class cannot sell its labor power to itself as a class 
and Stalin wrote this in his "Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR" 
fifty years ago. Yes, our "ML" is going to be insulted and not treated with kid 
gloves and then pressured to get with the new program and stop writing this 
Trotskyite nonsense.  
 
Communist workers at all times keep our feet buried in Marx. 
 
Marx said: 
 
"Content and form are changed, because under the altered circumstances no one 
can give anything except his labor, and because, on the other hand, nothing 
can pass to the ownership of individuals, except individual means of 
consumption." 
 
The content and form Marx is talking about is the process of production and 
exchange - distribution, after the abolition of the bourgeois property 
relations. We call such a system of industrial production, (drum roll please) . 
. . 
socialism or industrial socialism. And we are not scared to discuss its warts 
and weaknesses. 
 
It's about to get ugly again. 
 
My expressed intent is to bury our "ML" along with his new found friend Leon 
Trotsky. In the next section of part 7 called "The Answer to the Problem" he 
states, and the entire section is quoted:  
 
>>"Trotsky gives no answer to the problem posed by him â that since bourgeois 
law is inevitably operates in socialist society, what should be the program 
of the Communist Party to tackle this situation?  He mentions that this problem 
was first posed by Marx; and Lenin âgave an extremely sharpened expression to 
the conception of Marx âalthough he did not himself succeed in carrying his 
analysis through to the end â either in his chief work dedicated to this 
question (State and Revolution), or in the program of the party.â[2]  Trotsky 
adds:
âExplaining the revival of bureaucratism by the unfamiliarity of the masses 
with administration and by the special difficulties resulting from the war, the 
program (of the Bolshevik Party) prescribes merely political measures for the 
overcoming of âbureaucratic distortionsâ:  election and recall at any time 
of plenipotentiaries, abolition of material privileges, active control by the 
masses, etc.  It was assumed that along this road the bureaucrat, from being a 
boss, would turn into a simple and moreover temporary technical agent, and the 
state would gradually and imperceptibly disappear from the scene.â[3]

What does all of this mean? Allow me to condense the above. 

"since bourgeois law . . . inevitably operates in socialist society,  . . . 
the revival of bureaucratism . . .  resulting from the war, the program . . . 
prescribes . . . measures for the overcoming of âbureaucratic distortionsâ: 
. 
. . It was assumed that . . . the bureaucrat, . . . would turn into a . . . 
technical agent, and the state would gradually and imperceptibly disappear from 
the scene.â[3]

1. We are not dealing with a "bourgeois law" but a socialist law of 
reproduction and the operation of bourgeois right - according to Marx. 
Distribution of 
the social product - "life's goods" did not take place on the basis of the 
bourgeois property relations or a bourgeois law. Distribution of "life's goods" 
was not carried out on the based of a capitalistic measure of value. 

This is simply an outright lie. A fiction invented by the enemies of Soviet 
socialism. 

Look in the dictionary. A "law" is very different from a "right."  Law for 
Marxists and communist workers means the controlling influence of a set of 
rules 
that enforce and repeat themselves as an iron logic. There is a law of 
capitalist production. "Bourgeois right" does not mean "bourgeois law."

Rights mean . . . you know what it means and its subjective and class 
interpretations and why it is the actual field of class struggle and conflict 
between 
ideology.  Rights is of course the field of politics that in the last 
instance operates within a law system of production. This is why you cannot 
have 
socialist production and capitalist distribution as an equation of Soviet 
socialism.  It is impossible. What you have are rights inherited from a 
previous 
generation and mode of production. 

The bourgeoisie as a class cannot be birthed on the basis of "rights' but 
rather a law system. 

2. Let us assume all of us were historical wrong. 

The bureaucrat could not and did not disappear and could not disappear 
because industrial production calls forth an industrial bureaucracy. The party 
bureaucrat was assigned to check up on - not the workers, but the industrial 
bureaucrat. 

Is this not the reason the struggle in the Soviet Union was particularly 
sharp with many jailed and shot. To this very day the Soviet's have the 
singular 
distinction of jailing and shooting the bureaucrats - factory managers and even 
Generals in the armed forces, who may or may not have been party members. And 
this process was conducted in a bureaucratic fashion with everyone trying to 
"cover their ass" and many writing false reports and blaming others - 
especially the hidden Trotskyites. 

But the bottom line is that the bureaucrat and bureaucracy does not grow out 
of a metaphysical capitalistic distribution of "life's goods." Who but a petty 
bourgeoisie conceives of political economy in such terms? The petty 
bourgeoisie intellectual merely reveals his lusting for what he considers his 
god 
govern pound of flesh and gold. 

"Distribution creates a bourgeoisie under socialism." This is what Trotsky 
wrote and our "ML" replayed. 

This is going to get real ugly because I would like to go back and swing 
through everything our "ML" wrote and deal with it on another level of 
communism. 

The problem in exposition is that we must define everything we talk about so 
there is no confusion over meaning and context. The workers must understand 
everything we write and say. 

Melvin P. 

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