And now:Ish <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> writes:

>X-Originating-IP: [192.91.247.212]
>From: "John Stevens" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
>Subject: Day 3 of Permanent Forum
>Date: Fri, 19 Feb 1999 01:04:47 PST
>
>Summary of Debate - United Nations Open-Ended, Intersessional, Ad Hoc 
>Working Group on a Permanent Forum for Indigenous Peoples, 17/2/99 (Day 
>3)
>(Note: this material is based on both taped transcription and real-time 
>notetaking, and does not perfectly or comprehensively reflect the 
>debates or responses.  It is a basic, quick draft whose purpose is to 
>emphasize prevalent trends in the proceedings.  Please direct any 
>questions, clarifications, omissions, or comments to John Stevens, 
>ACUNS/Native Americas magazine [for Netwarriors].  All errors are solely 
>mine.)
>
>Morning Session:
>
>       Wednesday began with a continuation of the previous day's discussion on 
>the PF's mandate.  Many of the suggestions and issues of the previous 
>day were carried over into this debate, with a few new ideas and some 
>noteworthy rejoinders from indigenous representatives and supportive 
>states that created an incisive dialogue between the various delegates.  
>While a number of delegates recapitulated  previous opinions on the 
>parameters of membership, rules of participation, number of members, 
>etc. others suggested alternative formations.  
>
>       Indigenous representatives from Mexico, Russia, North Africa, 
>Aotearoa/New Zealand, and the International Indian Treaty Council 
>discussed the geopolitical issues involved in assembling an adequate 
>membership base for the PF.  They pointed out that the standard UN 
>regional structure was inadequate to determine a "proper geographic 
>spread" of indigenous peoples, and that relying on such a geopolitical 
>structure might create imbalances and inconsistencies in indigenous 
>representation (this was to some extent supported by Malaysia and Cuba).  
>This was partly linked to the idea of full and equal participation, but 
>also to the notion that the PF will be a very different sort of UN body; 
>several delegates asserted that the PF would be a "unique" body ( a 
>position taken early on by Denmark), and  that its composition and 
>process would have to reflect historical, political, and institutional 
>concerns of indigenous peoples, from questions of colonialism and 
>assimilation to the need to protect and enhance indigenous peoples' 
>rights.
>
>       Another significant issue that heated up in this debate was that of 
>determining "valid" indigenous membership.  Japan, China, and most 
>fervently Bangladesh all commented that a strict definition of who was 
>indigenous would be required .  Chile made some intimations along these 
>lines by stating that indigenous membership would have to follow UN 
>rules, including the current regional distribution, but the three Asian 
>countries that spoke in this session all highlighted the definition 
>issue as tied to their final approval of a PF.  A Chakma indigenous 
>representative responded directly to China by pointing out that in other 

>international conventions (such as ILO No. 169) self-definition of 
>indigenous peoples was a primary determinant of their status, and also 
>pointed out that Bangladesh had signed an earlier convention on 
>indigenous peoples, ILO Convention No. 107.  An indigenous 
>representative from Southeast Asia responded to Brazil's contention that 
>indigenous representation be channel through national governments by 
>asking all states to trust that the indigenous peoples would be as 
>responsible as possible in composing their part of the PF's membership.  
>
>The previous day's intervention by the US, wherein they stated that 
>indigenous peoples could not be on the same level as nation-states in 
>the PF, was also remembered and attacked by Willie Littlechild 
>(IOIRD/Ermineskin Cree), who pointed out the US's long-standing history 
>of treaty relations with American Indian groups as "nation-to-nation" 
>relations.  A Russian indigenous representative called the US position 
>"destructive" and unhelpful in creating a PF that would have real 
>participation from indigenous peoples.  Norway and Mexico both stressed 
>in their interventions that indigenous peoples should have full rights 
>of participation, and Mexico declared that the appointment of indigenous 
>members to the PF should come from the indigenous communities 
>themselves.  Despite some problems, the Chair declared that he perceived 
>consensus on a number of issues, and that he would try to accentuate 
>this in his summary.
>
>After a short break, the Chair reconvened the meeting and delivered his 
>summary (which I hope to transmit later today).  Translation was a 
>problem; the text was exclusively in English and Spanish-speaking 
>delegates requested a text that they could analyze more carefully. The 
>Chair explained that this was not in his power due to the situation in 
>the other building with the Kurds.  After some wrangling over this 
>issue, the Chair left it to the delegates to work out and turned to the 
>afternoon's work.  He gave a brief precis of the afternoon's 
>proceedings, which would focus on what level the PF should be situated 
>at: should it be under ECOSOC, parallel to it, attached directly to the 
>General Assembly, etc.  He hoped to have that finished by 4PM, when the 
>group could move on to a discussion of more technical matters, such as 
>financing, location, etc.
>
>
>Afternoon session:
>
>What was supposed to be an hour-long discussion turned into, perhaps not 
>surprisingly, a slightly longer discussion.  The Chair requested that 
>delegates respond to a very particular question in regard to the PF's 
>level: "does the previous discussion on the mandate lead us to believe 
>that the PF should in some way be attached to ECOSOC?"  The Chair 
>qualified this on several occasions by emphasizing that he was not 
>asking if it was to be under ECOSOC, but asking what relation it should 
>have to ECOSOC, based on the discussion to this point?  This produced a 
>torrent of responses that created a complex map of possibilities for the 
>PF's placement, but it was obvious by the end of the discussion that 

>many delegates agreed that ECOSOC was a good attachment point for the PF 
>onto the UN system.
>
>Some delegates, such as Denmark, advocated a direct attachment of the PF 
>to ECOSOC, and indigenous delegates such as the IITC advocated that it 
>report directly to ECOSOC like one of the Commissions.  A number of 
>indigenous delegates agreed, while also bringing up the fact that the PF 
>would also be a unique institution that should not be thought of in a 
>strict UN mold; Norway supported this idea as well.  Switzerland, 
>Mexico, and Spain advocated a "tenth Commission" formula for locating 
>the PF, while other states more vaguely located the PF within ECOSOC (a 
>few states said they could not decide on this matter until a concrete 
>mandate was nailed down).  There was support for this from some 
>indigenous delegates, but several others, such as Willie Littlechild and 
>a representative of the Assembly of First Nations, felt that the PF 
>should be attached to the General Assembly directly.  Other, such as 
>Joseph Ole Karia of the MAA Development Association (Maasai), thought 
>that it should be a parallel body to ECOSOC.  Also advanced was the idea 
>that the PF report directly to the Bureau of the Secretary-General, but 
>the Chair countered that the S-G's office was the highest  
>administrative level, and that the General Assembly was the highest 
>legislative body, so he felt that such a request was not to the highest 
>effective level.
>
>The US position was that the PF should report to ECOSOC under the 
>Commission on Human Rights, since the PF's focus should be on human 
>rights.  The US then attempted to go into a discussion of the need to 
>eliminate or fuse the WGIP to the PF, but was soundly gaveled by the 
>Chair for going off-topic.  A number of other states agreed with the US 
>delegation's CHR placement, such as Venezuela, the United Kingdom, 
>Argentina, and New Zealand, while Holland specifically rejected this 
>idea.  
>
>The day ended with some procedural wrangling over the CRPs.  The Chair 
>broke and reconvened the meeting to present a CRP summary on the 
>afternoon's debate, which led to a number of states requesting pinpoint 
>clarification of the purpose and future of the documents.  Several 
>states seemed concerned that these would be the heart of the report, but 
>the Chair tried to assure them that they were only talking papers to 
>stimulate discussion and response, and that both the Indigenous Caucus 
>and states would be allowed to give their views on them in separate 
>consultations.  He wanted to sue them to find points of consent and 
>friction so that he could write a better report.  Peru tried to open a 
>larger debate, but was cut off by the Chair because it was 6PM.
>
> 
           &&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&
          Tsonkwadiyonrat (We are ONE Spirit)
                     Unenh onhwa' Awayaton
                  http://www.tdi.net/ishgooda/       
           &&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&&
                             

Reply via email to