I met Stephan Musoke in the office of the i-network 
(http://www.i-network.or.ug/), a Ugandan ICT for development NGO in Kampala 
where he told me about his mobile money research. I am happy that he will 
present his insights at the MoneyLab event next week, here in Amsterdam. 
Stephan is a self-taught software engineer with experience in the design, 
development and delivery of custom software solutions to customers in 
government, finance and agriculture sectors (http://www.ssmusoke.com). In his 
latest engagement Musoke worked with an non-profit to build sustainable models 
in which farm and crop management tools and financial services are ‘bundled’ in 
affordable, unified platforms on mobile phone channels to promote commercially 
viable mass uptake.

GL: You have written a report about mobile money in Uganda. Can you tell 
something about your findings?

SM: I have been very interested and watching mobile money from a distance both 
as a techie and a user - through a social lens of how it has transformed the 
lives of people in Uganda starting out as a nice to have to a necessary part of 
day-to-day life. This is evidenced by people’s reactions when the systems are 
down or not functioning as expected.

So I take this to be more than a report, it is a futurespective of what it 
would take for Mobile Money to move to the next level of usage, where it 
becomes a core platform for commerce. I have been a developer/software engineer 
in Uganda for the last 12 years focusing on custom web based solutions for 
clients across various sectors of finance, agriculture, eduction and 
government. A common pattern of problems always involved how to handle 
payments, without the overhead of cash or integration with banking systems to 
streamline information management. 

When Mobile Money first started it was not very clear how it would work, and 
what benefits, which only became clear once I started using it regularly only 
then did I start hitting the boundaries of the available usage scenarios. Later 
I worked with a non-profit which was seeking to bundle agricultural information 
with financial services via the mobile phone in Uganda, and mobile money as an 
existing platform looked viable. The baseline surveys showed that 85% of 
farmers have access to a phone within their households, yet their challenges 
were how to pay for inputs and get paid for their produce in addition to 
knowing what to plant and where to sell it. Analysing the agricultural value 
chains which form 80% of GDP, found that the major constraints in improving 
efficiency was the difficulty in making and receiving payments.

That research exercise and experience helped validate my thinking in what does 
it take to move a payment system to the next level, despite the regulatory, 
competitive and economic constraints around it. 

GL: If I understood the origins well mobile money is not coming from the 
NGO-sector and its ICT for Development rhetoric. Needless to say, it is not 
coming from banks either. Do we have to situate inside the telecom sector? From 
a 1990s internet perspective, these are conservative forces, to put it mildly, 
dominated by either large global players or (privatised) state firms. Why did 
they start with mobile money?

SM: The NGO-sector and ICT4D rhetoric only appeared after the apparent success 
of mobile money, the banks have no interest in it because they have alternate 
revenue streams that have lower capital requirements and require less 
operational investment. The telcos on the other hand are fighting for their 
survival, in a world which is increasingly regulating them to dumb pipes on 
which the Internet is built. This is exacerbated by a huge drop in 
international call rates, through competition from VOIP services and improved 
technology, plus the rise and ploiferation of social media messaging 
applications that reduce the need for voice, SMS but gobble up data. What the 
telcos have however is an existing mass of customers who are a captive 
audience, therefore by providing a good-enough service to those customers, they 
can reap economies of scale using existing airtime outlets and 3rd party 
agents. 

The penetration of mobile phones was also unprecedented as the costs of phones 
went down from $1000 in 1990 to under $25 in 2010, and ARPU from $1500 to $3.5 
over the same period, even with 10 million customers, the gross revenue is 
$35million. On the other hand, the mobile money transfers in Uganda in 2013 
were $640m, taking 1.5% transaction fee shows a revenue of $10million with 
lower overhead costs has a higher gross profit margin than voice. The telcos 
are also consolidating, as seen in Uganda by the Airtel/Warid merger which was 
all about customers, to compete with MTN. One should remember that telcos were 
formerly government owned monopolistic entities, so their structure is thus, 
slow moving but able to crush through the competition.

GL: Can you tell us more about the NGO ICT4D rhetoric of the 'unbankables' and 
how this is, or is not, related to the rise of mobile money?SM: There is truly 
a class of unbankables, who essentially live from hand-to-mouth in the new age 
cash economy. However these unbankables used to exchange goods and services via 
barter trade without need for currency. 

Mobile money has relatively low transaction & convenience costs to move money 
from one person to another, works on feature phones, and outlets are limited by 
the business viability that increases when bundled with other business 
operations such as retail. The outlets are fully owned by the 3rd party agents 
which provides them with an alternate revenue stream while increasing their 
concentration and penetration. 

What the rhetoric does not state is that the unbankables also need the 
financial services, that have to be at a a lower price point to match their 
relative income which can be related to the issue of micro-payments in the 
commerce industry. GL: If you think of mobile money, what do you think of? 
Boots in your area? Have you seen it at work in the countryside?SM: When I 
think of a mobile money outlet, I see a shopkeeper, a mother with her child in 
her booth, a wholesaler, a bar owner, a barber shop. These are the regular 
people that you tend to transact with for small amounts, $10 to $50. 

Mobile money also has a social angle to it, from personal experience, I can 
honor my obligations to relatives in the countryside at way lower costs than 
traveling there or getting somebody else to do so. So yes it is working, and 
given that culturally during burials, and ceremonies, I am expected to 
contribute I can do it conveniently. The Mobile Money agent is the friendly 
money outlet in my neighborhood, or wherever I go who is functional even when 
there is no power, and works all days of the week without fail, and whose 
language is very simple, “Who do you want to send to”, “How much do you want to 
withdraw”.

GL: I have heard geeks speculating about a possible implementation of bitcoins 
on future mobile money platforms. In theory, such a construction seems quite 
likely.

SM: Bitcoins are a complicated technology which needs to be explained to many 
other than technophiles. Think about how complicated it will be to convince & 
educate legislators, let alone the common populace yet most of them do no know 
how to use computers and have cash as an alternative. There however is a place 
for bit coins as a niche addition to the eco-system to whom the technology and 
service adds value.

GL: How 'Keynian' is the current mobile money set-up? Is there such a thing as 
culture in this respect? The sudden rise of thousands of boots, the informality 
of operators and the way in which they are rooted in families, clans and 
neighbourhoods seems to suggest that the technology remains very close to the 
existing social structures.

SM: Mobile Money may have become famous through Mpesa from Safaricom in Kenya 
but its origins can be liked to Phillipines and Indonesia where farmers 
actually use mobile phones to pay bills, and receive money. The Kenyan success 
story is one of pivoting a product by Safaricom, which gained speedy traction 
due to the security risks of carrying & transacting with cash. 

However, like any other business, economies of scale are key, so yes existing 
social structures are the basis for getting the regular & consistent 
transaction plus providing a level of trust, education & support for the 
informal operators. There are successful case studies that show boots 
leveraging regular transactions as a measure of credit worthiness and 
increasing commerce by reducing the cost of transactions (in remote rural areas 
transport costs can be as high as x10).

GL: Like anywhere, mobile money in Uganda is producing its own stories of 
mergers, failures and downtime. How do you look at this from an industry 
perspective? Is this phase of consolidation inevitable?

SM: Mobile money is driven by telcos which require scale to capitalize on the 
opportunity, hence the mergers to acquire customers. On the other hand 
consolidation is inevitable in any maturing sector, business line and among 
business models as the growth rates slow, market becomes saturated and profit 
margins start going down. The consolidation provides helps raise the barriers 
to entry for competitors therefore protecting future revenues. The challenge 
that I see in this case is that the consolidation is creating larger walled 
gardens and virtual monopolies, which are bad for innovation and customer 
service. 

The failures are inevitable since mobile money is a bolt-on the monolithic 
single function switching & billing systems on which the telcos run their 
operations.  The telcos are facing threats to their fundamental revenue models, 
but they do not want to open up their platforms fearing competition and being 
relegated to dumb pipes.  The next wave of business models will be at the 
agents level providing value added services already existing on the mobile 
money platforms to increase their profit margins.


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