http://regimechangeiran.blogspot.com/2006/09/tehran-calculus.html
 

Friday, September 15, 2006

 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/09/14/AR200609140
1413.html> 

The
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/09/14/AR200609140
1413.html>  Tehran Calculus 

 
Charles Krauthammer,
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2006/09/14/AR200609140
1413.html> The Washington Post: 
In his televised Sept. 11 address, President Bush said that we must not
"leave our children to face a Middle East overrun by terrorist states and
radical dictators armed with nuclear weapons." There's only one such current
candidate: Iran.

The next day, he responded thus (as reported by Rich Lowry and Kate O'Beirne
of National Review) to a question on Iran: "It's very important for the
American people to see the president try to solve problems diplomatically
before resorting to military force."

"Before" implies that the one follows the other. The signal is unmistakable.
An aerial attack on Iran's nuclear facilities lies just beyond the horizon
of diplomacy. With the crisis advancing and the moment of truth approaching,
it is important to begin looking now with unflinching honesty at the
military option.
<http://regimechangeiran.blogspot.com/2006/09/tehran-calculus.html> READ
MORE

The costs will be terrible:

Economic. An attack on Iran is likely to send oil prices overnight to $100
or even to $150 a barrel. That will cause a worldwide recession perhaps as
deep as the one triggered by the Iranian revolution of 1979.

Iran might suspend its own 2.5 million barrels a day of oil exports and
might even be joined by Venezuela's Hugo Chavez, asserting primacy as the
world's leading anti-imperialist. But even more effectively, Iran will shock
the oil markets by closing the Strait of Hormuz, through which 40 percent of
the world's exports flow every day.

Iran could do this by attacking ships in the Strait, scuttling its own
ships, laying mines or just threatening to launch Silkworm anti-ship
missiles at any passing tanker.

The U.S. Navy will be forced to break the blockade. We will succeed, but at
considerable cost. And it will take time -- during which the world economy
will be in a deep spiral.

Military. Iran will activate its proxies in Iraq, most notably, Moqtada
al-Sadr's Mahdi Army. Sadr is already wreaking havoc with sectarian attacks
on Sunni civilians. Iran could order the Mahdi Army and its other agents
within the police and armed forces to take up arms against the institutions
of the central government itself, threatening the very anchor of the new
Iraq. Many Mahdi will die, but they live to die. Many Iraqis and coalition
soldiers are likely to die as well.

Among the lesser military dangers, Iran might activate terrorist cells
around the world, although without nuclear capability that threat is hardly
strategic. It will also be very difficult to unleash its proxy Hezbollah,
now chastened by the destruction it brought upon Lebanon in the latest round
with Israel and deterred by the presence of Europeans in the south Lebanon
buffer zone.

Diplomatic. There will be massive criticism of America from around the
world. Much of it is to be discounted. The Muslim street will come out again
for a few days, having replenished its supply of flammable American flags,
most recently exhausted during the cartoon riots. Their governments will
express solidarity with a fellow Muslim state, but this will be entirely
hypocritical. The Arabs are terrified about the rise of a nuclear Iran and
would privately rejoice in its defanging.

The Europeans will be less hypocritical because their visceral
anti-Americanism trumps rational calculation. We will have done them an
enormous favor by sparing them the threat of Iranian nukes, but they will
vilify us nonetheless.

These are the costs. There is no denying them. However, equally undeniable
is the cost of doing nothing.

In the region, Persian Iran will immediately become the hegemonic power in
the Arab Middle East. Today it is deterred from overt aggression against its
neighbors by the threat of conventional retaliation. Against a nuclear Iran,
such deterrence becomes far less credible. As its weak, nonnuclear Persian
Gulf neighbors accommodate to it, jihadist Iran will gain control of the
most strategic region on the globe.

Then there is the larger danger of permitting nuclear weapons to be acquired
by religious fanatics seized with an eschatological belief in the imminent
apocalypse and in their own divine duty to hasten the End of Days. The
mullahs are infinitely more likely to use these weapons than anyone in the
history of the nuclear age. Every city in the civilized world will live
under the specter of instant annihilation delivered either by missile or by
terrorist. This from a country that has an official Death to America Day and
has declared since Ayatollah Khomeini's ascension that Israel must be wiped
off the map.

Against millenarian fanaticism glorying in a cult of death, deterrence is a
mere wish. Is the West prepared to wager its cities with their millions of
inhabitants on that feeble gamble?

These are the questions. These are the calculations. The decision is no more
than a year away.

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