http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/stories/20070223000906200.htm
Faith and conflict

An Irish imam's statements on Islamic fundamentalism unleash a storm 
of controversy among Muslims in that country.
An Islamist Jihad member at a news conference in Gaza on January 29 
claiming responsibility for a suicide bombing in the Red Sea resort of 
Eilat, Israel. Egyptian Islamic scholar Yusuf Al Qaradawi's public 
statements can be construed as justifying suicide bombing against any 
stronger, unjust state by a weaker minority.
MUSLIM populations in the West, particularly in Europe, have of late 
become a battleground for reformist and traditionalist currents within 
Islam. These ideological labels, while being admittedly simplistic, 
illustrate the efforts of European Muslim communities to wrangle with 
the challenge of separating the political and personal aspects of 
faith and religious identity amid a larger culture which generally 
perceives them as unwelcome and inassimilable.
British Muslims, Danish Muslims and French Muslims have all been 
implicated in this increasingly heated debate between an increasingly 
right-leaning, anti-immigration Europe and its increasingly ghettoised 
and economically disenfranchised Muslim communities.
In August 2006, Irish Muslims were drawn into the fray when one of 
their notable imams, Dr. Shaheed Satardien, declared in an interview 
to Sunday Tribune that Ireland was fast becoming a "fundamentalist 
haven" and that "an ocean of extremism" was spreading among Muslims 
throughout Ireland.
The statement came in the wake of the arrest in Ireland of an Algerian 
Muslim, Abbas Boutrab, who was found downloading information on how to 
blow up a passenger jet.
In the interview, Satardien went on to say that "Irish Muslim leaders 
are failing our young people who are embracing fundamentalism". 
Satardien lamented that young Muslims were "being torn between two 
cultures; drawing them into support for terrorism, anti-Semitism and a 
hatred of Western democracy".
The imam's statements unleashed a storm of controversy among Irish 
Muslims. Like their counterparts in Britain, Ireland's Muslim 
community, economically depressed relative to the white Irish 
population, perceives itself as increasingly unwanted and its faith as 
unnecessarily maligned and prejudicially castigated under the guise of 
anti-terrorism measures.
Not surprisingly, rival imams came out with public statements 
condemning Satardien's comments as provoking religious hatred against 
Muslims and he received a volley of death threats. Satardien's 
statements came on the heels of a controversy among Irish imams about 
who would lead the several-thousand-strong Muslim community that hails 
from countries as diverse as Sudan, China, Pakistan and Indonesia.
Initially, Satardien, himself an immigrant from South Africa, had 
suggested the establishment of an organisation called the "Supreme 
Council of Ireland". This was contested by more conservative members 
of the community, and inter-religious politicking led to the 
sidelining of Satardien in favour of a more orthodox group of Islamic 
scholars. A rival organisation, the Irish Council of Imams, was set up 
and Imam Satardien was largely marginalised from the Irish Muslim 
religious establishment.
The ideological implications of sidelining Satardien's brand of 
moderate Islam may well be tragic for Irish Muslims in particular and 
European Muslims in general. An anti-apartheid activist from South 
Africa, Satardien has experienced personally the ravaging effects of 
Islamic extremism. His brother Ebrahim Satardien was killed by an 
extremist "Qibla" faction of the South African vigilante group Pagar. 
Facing threats to his own life, Satardien asked for asylum in Ireland 
and moved to the country four years ago. Since then, he has been 
active in inter-faith ventures, organising conferences that promote 
the rejection of violence and the promotion of inter-faith 
understanding.
Satardien blames his falling out with the main mosque in Clonkeaugh, 
Ireland, on the influence of the Egyptian scholar Sheikh Yusuf Al 
Qaradawi, whose organisation, the European Council on Fatwa and 
Research, is headquartered there. Sheikh Qaradawi, who interestingly 
also defines his version of Islam as "moderate", is notorious in the 
West for his support to Palestinian suicide operations and his 
scathing denunciation of homosexuality as "abominable". The author of 
several books, including The Lawful and Prohibited in Islam and Islam: 
The Future Civilization, Qaradawi enjoys a wide following across the 
Muslim world owing in part to his show "Ash-Sharia Wal Hayat", which 
is aired on Al-Jazeera.
If Satardien's rhetoric is focussed on consensus-building and reform 
within Islamic communities, Qaradawi's focus is centred on maintaining 
a distinct identity for Muslim communities living in the West.
While compromising on certain issues (Qaradawi, unlike some of his 
even more conservative counterparts, does consider music and dancing 
permissible and allows the use of photographs), much of his rhetoric 
is abrasive and even incendiary.
In one fatwa referring to whether Muslim males may marry non-Muslim 
women, Qaradawi lays out a series of conditions. He finally questions 
whether there is a single honourable, chaste woman left in these 
countries. "Don't they reprimand a girl who is still a virgin at the 
age of 14? They say: How can this be? She becomes undesirable. Where 
are her boyfriends?"
Indeed, the Sheikh's website is peppered generously with such 
misguided generalisations about the depravity of Western culture, 
their ultimate message being that while it may be permissible for a 
Muslim to live in Western lands, it is best to distinguish and 
distance oneself as much as possible from the sinful temptations of 
the depraved Western society.
Even a cursory analysis of Qaradawi and Satardien's stated ideological 
positions reveals very different orientations towards Western culture. 
Satardien's views seem to suggest an approach focussed on mutual 
understanding that prioritises internal reform over castigating the 
state. One very visible manifestation of the differences between the 
two is the statements they issued in the wake of the Danish cartoon 
scandal.
Imam Satardien's statement reads: "The attack on the Prophet of Islam 
is condemned in its totality and the violence that ensued is also 
condemned. The mockery of the holocaust is equally condemned. We call 
on Muslims to end the violence immediately. We are hurt but we are not 
angry because the Prophet (pbuh) instructed us to control our anger. 
The strongest person is the one who can control his anger, the Prophet 
is reported to have said." Qaradawi, on the other hand, said that it 
was the duty of every Muslim to protest in an "international day of 
anger" and for a boycott of all Western-made goods, saying: "We must 
tell the Europeans... we can live without you but you cannot live 
without us... we can buy from China, Japan, Thailand and Malaysia."
Also different is Satardien's position regarding the influence of 
foreign conflicts on the political identity of young Irish Muslims. In 
the now notorious interview, Satardien even went so far as to suggest 
state controls on the foreign travel of young Irish Muslims whom he 
sees as becoming radicalised during trips abroad. He lamented openly 
the influence of conflicts such as the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on 
the political identity of young Irish Muslims; he suggests that the 
manipulation of the conflict by religious leaders in Ireland makes 
young Muslim youth radicalised and ostensibly drawn to a more 
fundamentalist version of Islam.
Satardien thus sees little value in drawing young Muslim youth towards 
identifying themselves with a conflict that does not resonate in their 
own political context, which may even be furthering a segregationist 
and suspicious orientation toward European society as a whole.
In contrast, Qaradawi's construction of Muslim political identity 
draws heavily upon the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a point of 
orientation that defines ideological positions. In one interview to 
BBC's Newsnight, Qaradawi responded to a question about suicide 
bombers thus: "I consider this type of operation as an evidence of 
God's justice." He added: "Allah Almighty is just; through his 
infinite wisdom he gave the weak a weapon that the strong do not 
have - that is their ability to turn their bodies into bombs as 
Palestinians do."
Qaradawi's statements present a complex and problematic amalgamation 
of political action and religious sanction. Interpreted closely, they 
can be understood as a statement of solidarity with the Palestinian 
cause, which is not uncommon among Muslims around the world. However, 
interpreted loosely, it can also be construed as justifying suicide 
bombing against any stronger, unjust state by a weaker minority.
In this respect, Satardien's differences from the Arab-dominated 
mosque hierarchy in Ireland also represent another schism that is an 
omnipresent but rarely vocalised tension among diaspora Muslims in 
Europe. These Muslims, estranged from the cultural affirmations of 
their homeland, and raised to construe everything Arab as 
automatically "authentically Islamic", often feel pressured to 
distance themselves from their non-Arab cultural traditions, which are 
seen as impure and unauthentic.
Satardien's open opposition of the Arab-dominated hierarchy of the 
Irish mosque establishment is one illustration of this dynamic. In 
keeping with his aversion to the dominance of Arab immigrants and the 
equating of all things Arab with all things Islamic, Satardien's 
discomfort with the centrality of the Arab-Israeli conflict as a 
central denominator of European Muslim identity points to the danger 
of importing concepts of heroism and justice from vastly different 
political contexts and constructing an Irish Muslim identity as 
necessarily besieged and an image of the Irish state as unarguably 
inimical to Muslim interests.
Sheikh Yousuf Qaradawi and Imam Shaheed Satardien represent two 
divergent orientations towards Muslim political identity in the 
Western context. Satardien prioritises the need for internal reform 
within the community and is vocal about the presence of extremism 
despite the potential that his criticisms may be appropriated by 
xenophobic and anti-Islamic interests. Given the social and political 
challenges facing Irish Muslims, Satardien is more concerned about 
solidifying Irish Muslim identity as strongly rooted in the politics 
of the Irish nation rather than risk it being overshadowed by 
pan-Islamic concerns.
Qaradawi, on the other hand, sees Irish-Muslim or European Muslim 
identity as simply a subset of a larger transnational Islamic 
identity; one defined and governed by political ideologies that are 
transnational and demarcated by strict boundaries from Western 
ideology and culture. Ultimately, however, the direction of Irish 
Islam in particular and Western Islam in general depends not 
singularly on the ideological predilections of the individual Western 
Muslim and his proclivities toward integration or segregation.
Equally crucial is the potential of Europe to revamp its commitment 
toward multiculturalism and integration such that it means more than 
relegating immigrant Muslims to economically depressed ghettoes and 
goes beyond rationalising xenophobia disguised as culturally necessary 
segregation. Ultimately, the cost of living together and defeating 
extremism falls both on the minority, which must acknowledge the need 
to clean the house, and the majority, which can no longer ignore the 
reality of a vastly changed religious and social demographics. 




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