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Jewish World Review <http://www.jewishworldreview.com/>  May 18, 2007 / 1
Sivan, 5767 

Prelude to the Six Days 

By Charles Krauthammer 


        
        
        
        

http://www.JewishWorldReview.com | There has hardly been a Middle East peace
plan in the past 40 years - including the current Saudi version - that does
not demand a return to the status quo of June 4, 1967. Why is that date so
sacred? Because it was the day before the outbreak of the Six-Day War in
which Israel scored one of the most stunning victories of the 20th century.
The Arabs have spent four decades trying to undo its consequences. 


In fact, the real anniversary should be now, three weeks earlier. On May 16,
1967, Egyptian President Gamal Nasser ordered the evacuation from the Sinai
Peninsula of the U.N. buffer force that had kept Israel and Egypt at peace
for 10 years. The United Nations complied, at which point Nasser imposed a
naval blockade of Israel's only outlet to the south, the port of Eilat - an
open act of war. 


How Egypt came to this reckless provocation is a complicated tale
(chronicled in Michael Oren's magisterial "Six Days of War") of aggressive
intent compounded with miscommunication and, most fatefully, disinformation.
The Soviet Union had reported urgently and falsely to its Middle East
clients, Syria and Egypt, that Israel was massing troops on the Syrian
border for an attack. Israel desperately tried to disprove this charge by
three times inviting the Soviet ambassador in Israel to visit the front. He
refused. The Soviet warnings led to a cascade of intra-Arab maneuvers that
in turn led Nasser, the champion of pan-Arabism, to mortally confront Israel
with a remilitarized Sinai and a southern blockade. 


Why is this still important? Because that three-week period between May 16
and June 5 helps explain Israel's 40-year reluctance to give up the fruits
of that war - the Sinai Peninsula, the Golan Heights, the West Bank and Gaza
- in return for paper guarantees of peace. Israel had similar guarantees
from the 1956 Suez war, after which it evacuated the Sinai in return for
that U.N. buffer force and for assurances from the Western powers of free
passage through the Straits of Tiran. 


All this disappeared with a wave of Nasser's hand. During those three
interminable weeks, President Lyndon Johnson did try to rustle up an armada
of countries to run the blockade and open Israel's south. The effort failed
dismally. 


It is hard to exaggerate what it was like for Israel in those three weeks.
Egypt, already in an alliance with Syria, formed an emergency military pact
with Jordan. Iraq, Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Tunisia, Libya and Morocco
began sending forces to join the coming fight. With troops and armor massing
on Israel's every frontier, jubilant broadcasts in every Arab capital hailed
the imminent final war for the extermination of Israel. "We shall destroy
Israel and its inhabitants," declared PLO head Ahmed Shuqayri, "and as for
the survivors - if there are any - the boats are ready to deport them." 


For Israel, the waiting was excruciating and debilitating. Israel's citizen
army had to be mobilized. As its soldiers waited on the various fronts for
the world to rescue the nation from its peril, Israeli society ground to a
halt and its economy began bleeding to death. Army Chief of Staff Yitzhak
Rabin, later to be hailed as a war hero and even later as a martyred man of
peace, had a nervous breakdown. He was incapacitated to the point of
incoherence by the unbearable tension of waiting with the life of his
country in the balance, knowing that waiting too long would allow the armies
of 100 million Arabs to strike first his country of 3 million. 


We know the rest of the story. Rabin did recover in time to lead Israel to
victory. But we forget how perilous was Israel's condition. The victory
hinged on a successful attack on Egypt's air force on the morning of June 5.
It was a gamble of astonishing proportions. Israel sent the bulk of its
200-plane air force on the mission, fully exposed to antiaircraft fire and
missiles. Had they been detected and the force destroyed, the number of
planes remaining behind to defend the Israeli homeland - its cities and
civilians - from the Arab air forces' combined 900 planes was . . . 12. 


We also forget that Israel's occupation of the West Bank was entirely
unsought. Israel begged King Hussein of Jordan to stay out of the conflict.
Engaged in fierce combat with a numerically superior Egypt, Israel had no
desire to open a new front just yards from Jewish Jerusalem and just miles
from Tel Aviv. But Nasser personally told Hussein that Egypt had destroyed
Israel's air force and airfields and that total victory was at hand. Hussein
could not resist the temptation to join the fight. He joined. He lost. 


The world will soon be awash with 40th-anniversary retrospectives of the war
- and exegeses on the peace of the ages that awaits if Israel would only to
return to lines of June 4, 1967. But Israelis are cautious. They remember
the terror of that June 4 and of that unbearable May when, with Israel in
possession of no occupied territories whatsoever, the entire Arab world was
furiously preparing Israel's imminent extinction. And the world did nothing.




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