http://www.spiegel.de/international/spiegel/0,1518,473862,00.html

SPIEGEL INTERVIEW WITH IRAN'S FOREIGN MINISTER 'We Warned the United States'

Iranian Foreign Minister Manouchehr Mottaki, 53, discusses efforts to
resolve the conflict over Tehran's nuclear program, his country's right to
resist and its offer to help bring peace to Iraq.

SPIEGEL: Mr. Minister, fears are growing all over the world that the
intensifying conflict with the United States over Tehran's nuclear program
could lead to a new military conflict. Do you share this concern?

Mottaki: There has been conflict between the United States and Iran for the
past 28 years. Look at the war in Iraq and the US's unilateral approach.
Time has shown that our view of things can prevail, even, more recently, in
parts of the United States. Now we have sat down at the table in Baghdad
with Washington, and one of the messages of this meeting is: There are
political and diplomatic ways out of the crisis, but increasing military
strength is not a solution. However, there are still irreconcilable
differences when it comes to the conflict over Iran's nuclear program.

SPIEGEL: Isn't it a serious mistake to underestimate the US's resolve?
Saddam Hussein experienced that first-hand.

Mottaki: We underestimate neither the United States nor the Iranian people.

SPIEGEL: Does this mean that you would be prepared for an attack on your
nuclear plants?

Mottaki: The United States cannot support another crisis for its taxpayers.
Certainly, the Americans have always made it clear that they are keeping all
options open. From the very start, we have prepared ourselves for both a
solution at the negotiating table and a confrontation. Naturally we prefer
the first option. We hate war. But we also view resistance as our
obligation.

SPIEGEL: Is Iran's nuclear program truly so important that you would even
risk going to war over it?

Mottaki: Every country in the world sets its goals and should also be able
to achieve them. On March 5, 1957, exactly 50 years ago, we signed a treaty
with the United States that granted us the right to acquire nuclear power
plants. The first sentence in that agreement guarantees that the peaceful
use of atomic energy is one of the fundamental rights of all nations. We
consider the right to development to be inalienable.

SPIEGEL: The international community would certainly be more willing to
believe your claims if Iran had not repeatedly deceived the inspectors of
the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA).

Mottaki: There have certainly been some open questions with respect to the
past. However, our current work on the nuclear program is completely
transparent. There are absolutely no deviations from this program.
However, there are some concerns over the future. We are willing to answer
all further questions concerning the past and will provide the necessary
assurances and guarantees for possible future problems.

SPIEGEL: The veto powers in the United Nations Security Council don't appear
to take much stock in such assurances. They support sanctions.

Mottaki: Every country is obligated to respect the decisions of the UN
bodies. But the Security Council should not jeopardize its legitimate powers
through illegal behavior and pressures from individual member states. There
is a historical precedent. Iran is in the process of completing the
nationalization of its oil industry. The beginning of this nationalization
process was the subject of debate in the Security Council 50 years ago. It
too was seen as a threat to peace and stability at the time, which of course
was absurd. In the nuclear conflict, the question that now arises is over
which offence we are actually being punished for. Uranium enrichment is one
of the fundamental rights of every country.

SPIEGEL: Could you imagine, as a compromise, negotiations over outsourcing
uranium enrichment to another country?

Mottaki: If we consider the history of treaties with other countries, then
we have serious doubts about that.

SPIEGEL: Are you referring to Russia's current refusal to supply the fuel
for the Bushehr nuclear power plant -- the construction of which is nearing
completion?

Mottaki: We cannot invest billions of dollars in our nuclear power plants
and then rely on the help of other nations to produce and supply the fuel.

SPIEGEL: How do you imagine a solution to the conflict?

Mottaki: First the path to new negotiations must be cleared. If the Security
Council refers the treatment of Iran's nuclear program to the IAEA once
again, we can take up the ratification of the supplementary protocol to the
Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty in our parliament ...

SPIEGEL: ... which would allow the agency's inspector to conduct inspections
at any time.

Mottaki: Only if the case is withdrawn from the Security Council at the same
time. The two must be treated equally, although we doubt this will be the
case. Nevertheless, we will view such steps as an attempt to build a bridge
between the positions of both sides.

SPIEGEL: But Tehran is also considering cutting off oil shipments to the
West if new sanctions are imposed.

Mottaki: We are the ones who must tolerate sanctions today, and that's why
we are opposed to boycotts to achieve political interests. But of course we
too must be granted the right to a full energy supply.

SPIEGEL: So you are using oil as a threat, after all?

Mottaki: Securing our energy supply has always been an established element
of our policy.

SPIEGEL: Your president, who has a penchant for provocation, has cancelled
his appearance before the Security Council in New York. Are you perhaps
secretly relieved?

Mottaki: Why? The president's first speech before the General Assembly was
already very constructive. At the time, he proposed that governments or
private companies from other countries invest in the Iranian nuclear
program. Can anybody think of a nuclear program more transparent than this?

SPIEGEL: You speak of building bridges, but thanks to his shrill speeches,
your president is more notorious for demolishing bridges.

Mottaki: It so happens that we are confronted with statements of those
seeking to deny us the right to use nuclear energy under any circumstance.
We see this as an attempt to rob us of an inalienable right, and that is the
only price we will never pay. Our president has always supported dialogue.

SPIEGEL: He caused an international outcry when he suggested wiping Israel
off the map.

Mottaki: We see the constant repetition of this accusation as a sign that
some countries are determined not to address the real questions but to
suppress them. World War II was a tragedy that happened to take place in
Europe. Many millions of people died in that war, including Jews. Who were
these Jews? All documents prove that they were Europeans. Why should the
Islamic world be responsible for the consequences of that war?

SPIEGEL: We see the most important question as a different one: Is Iran
willing, after more than a half-century, to recognize Israel's right to
exist?

Mottaki: We consider the Zionist regime in Palestine to be illegitimate.
It is wrong to claim, as many do, that people without a country arrived in a
country without people. There were many inhabitants of Palestine, and the
Jewish survivors of World War II were not a people without a country. They
were Europeans.

SPIEGEL: And because you deny the Jewish state its right to exist, you
support its archenemies, like the Palestinian Hamas and Lebanese Hezbollah.

Mottaki: Hamas and Hezbollah are not terrorists. We call this resistance.
You are making a big mistake if you view the events in the region too much
from the perspective of the United States. America has already made enough
mistakes in this region. One is that it gives the Zionist regime free rein
to conduct its aggression.

SPIEGEL: Even if Washington's actions aren't always the smartest, this by no
means justifies supporting extremists.

Mottaki: If one truly wants democracy -- the declared goal of the Americans
-- one must also accept the consequences. Both Hamas and Hezbollah succeeded
in democratic elections, and they owe this success to their resistance to
the Zionist regime.

SPIEGEL: So the bloodshed in the Middle East will continue?

Mottaki: It doesn't have to be. We are seeing recent approaches in America
to a constructive policy for the region, which makes us hopeful.

SPIEGEL: Despite this domestic American criticism, especially of the Iraq
policy of the administration of President George W. Bush, many US
politicians believe that your country is helping fuel the Iraqi civil war
between Sunnis and Shiites by supplying weapons to fellow Shiites.

Mottaki: Washington is simply trying to divert attention from its failed
Iraq policy with these kinds of claims.

SPIEGEL: Do you deny that Iran has interests in its neighboring country,
especially in the Shiite south?

Mottaki: We have no interest in Iraq being broken up into a Kurdish north, a
Sunni central portion and a Shiite south. That would make the horrible
situation even worse. This is why we support the government in Baghdad in
its attempts to save the country's unity.

SPIEGEL: Tehran's growing influence is already sparking fears among Arab
neighbors of Shiite dominance in the region.

Mottaki: But we Shiites are the minority in the Islamic world. If Shiites
play a more dominant role in one country or another because they are the
majority there, this is no cause for concern. Our strength is not a threat
to anyone. Our religious leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, has issued a fatwa
that forbids sowing discord between Sunnis and Shiites. Those who do so are
neither Shiites nor Sunnis. Besides, as we see in Iraq, this conflict
between fellow Muslims is being brought into our community from the outside.

SPIEGEL: It is an irony of history that Iran has the "great Satan," the
United States, to thank for its new strength. Shouldn't you be grateful to
Washington for having liberated Iran from its enemies, Saddam Hussein in
Iraq and the Taliban in Afghanistan?

Mottaki: We have always been a powerful country. We can look back on a long
and great history, and we have enormous capacities and possibilities. The
Americans are now paying the price for not wanting to listen to us, and
others. We warned the United States against spending billions of dollars to
arm Saddam and the Taliban. By bringing down these regimes they simply
corrected their old mistakes. We just hope that the US will not make any
further mistakes.

SPIEGEL: German troops are also deployed in Afghanistan. The German navy is
patrolling the Lebanese coast. Could this adversely effect relations with
Iran?

Mottaki: The Germans are involved in Lebanon at the request of the Beirut
government, whose decisions we respect. As far as the Afghanistan mission is
concerned, I hope, together with my German counterpart, (Foreign Minister)
Frank-Walter Steinmeier, that people will see the Germans mostly as
development workers and not military personnel.
However, we are very concerned about developments there and have warned our
German friends that the situation could spin out of control.

SPIEGEL: Should there be further talks with the United States over solving
the conflicts in the region?

Mottaki: The meeting in Baghdad was worthwhile. Our exchange was very
constructive and productive. No one spoke badly about the other. We are
prepared to forget the mistakes of the past. We should turn to the future,
especially in the case of Iraq.

SPIEGEL: Does this mean that you will meet with Secretary of State
Condoleezza Rice and that you plan to shake hands with the Americans?

Mottaki: As a devout Muslim, I adhere to our Islamic principles and will
certainly not shake hands with Ms. Rice. As far as we are concerned,
resolving the crisis in Baghdad is more important than all symbolic
gestures. All parties must work together to bring the suffering in Iraq to
an end.

SPIEGEL: Will Tehran be as constructive if Washington continues to intensify
pressure in the nuclear conflict?

Mottaki: We will not allow our brothers and sisters in Iraq to suffer
because the United States wants to deprive us of our right to uranium
enrichment. But this will not make it easier to find a solution for Iraq.

SPIEGEL: Mr. Foreign Minister, we thank you for this interview.

The interview was conducted by editors Dieter Bednarz and Hans Hoyng.

Note to readers: SPIEGEL conducted its interview with Mottaki prior to the
news on Friday that Iran had detained 15 British Navy personnel Tehran said
had illegally entered into Iranian waters near the border with Iraq. It also
preceded Saturday's move in the UN Security Council to broadened sanctions
against Iran.

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