Strategic factors in India-Bangladesh relations

Brigadier General M. Sakhawat Hussain (retd)

Current Indo-Bangla relations could hardly be classified as any thing
but warm, depending upon which stratum of India one is talking about.

I find four strata of India. One, political, two, bureaucratic
(military inclusive), three, commercial and four is the common
peoples' India. One could still make a few more strata, if one wishes
to. However, this could be true of any third world country.

Our relation, both commercial and with the people of India, seem to
be the warmest but relation with other two strata appears to have not
cemented well. It could be for the reason that political and
bureaucratic India wishes to base its relation with Bangladesh on
strategic plains directly related to India's security. Delhi still
finds Bangladesh a strategic hinterland that it sees as a hurdle in
its national integration, particularly in relation to her North
Eastern State (NES)

The above contention is on the basis of my discussion with one of the
prominent Indian intellectual and journalists, close to the policy
makers in Delhi, Dr. VP Vaidik, who visited Bangladesh to attend a
seminar organised by the BIISS on 8-9 December 2004 to commemorate
the third decade of SAARC, Dhaka being the birth place of the
Association. The seminar was participated by eminent SAARC
personalities from five member countries. Maldives and Bhutan did not
participate. Dr. Vaidik is the current chairman of 'Council for
Indian Foreign Policy' a think tank that assists the Indian foreign
office with their counselling. He was also editor of the Hindi daily
'Nababharat' and of PTI (Hindi). He brought a new concept of SAARC
that he termed as peoples SAARC to foster better cooperation between
all South Asian peoples, side by side the governmental effort.

However, my discussion was not on the talk that he delivered on
December 10, 2004 at BIISS but on his perception of Indo-Bangla
relation at an informal gathering at CNA (Council for national
Agenda, a private think tank). Though it was not his first visit to
Bangladesh yet he termed this visit as special than those he had as
part of Indian delegations. His current visit gave him the
opportunity to see for himself the so-called 'hard-line Islamic
Bangladesh', a perception that most of the elite in Delhi hold.

He was candid and forthright admitting that he neither found
Bangladeshis 'hard-liner' nor 'militant' as he himself was attired in
a traditional Hindu dress. In his short talk on bilateral relation he
admitted that policy makers in Delhi are being fed with motivated and
wrong inputs as far as Bangladesh is concerned. He emphatically
suggested that Delhi should shun the 'Big Brother attitude' and
rather behave as 'Elder Brother' with the smaller neighbours.

In his opinion, 'elder brotherly behaviour' is much opposed to 'Big
Brother' attitude. One is associated with eastern values of love,
affection and sacrifice and the other is with 'bossing'. Dr. Vaidik
agreed that it is India who needs to take a few more steps to cover
the distance that has been created specially with Bangladesh with
adverse propaganda made by many eminent Indians. Delhi's continued
rhetoric did not prove to be fruitful in closing the gap that was
created ever since the BNP and its ally, the Islamic parties, formed
the government. Change in Delhi's seat of power did not change the
policy towards Bangladesh; rather new avenues of discord opened.

While going through my paper on Indo- Bangladesh relation that I
presented as key note paper at an earlier seminar, Dr, Vaidik agreed
that there exists perceptive misunderstanding between security
experts of New Delhi and Dhaka in particular reference to NES.
Indians have been accusing Bangladesh of sheltering the NE States
insurgents within Bangladesh. India claims that 195 camps are within
Bangladesh belonging to various Indian insurgency groups who are at
war with the central authority. New Delhi blames the Bangladesh
government of colluding with Pakistan to create an independent Muslim
state out of part of Asom or annex the Muslim majority part of Asom
to Bangladesh, a fallacious claim that defies all logic.

Insurgency in that part of India is not a recent phenomenon rather
half a century plus old. According to Indian analysts the region is
infested with 130 ill organised insurgent groups. Around 5 lakhs
security forces are currently deployed in counter insurgency
operation given special power with huge border security forces
deployed all along Indo-Bangla border. At places borders are barbed
wired to prevent illegal crossings. It is difficult to fathom, having
such tight border control, why the Indian authority cannot prevent
insurgents crossing over at will as claimed by New Delhi. Delhi's
rhetoric on the issue strongly suggests that the Delhi's Bangladesh
watchers believe that Dhaka is out to create a Lebensraum to resolve
its population-to-space crises. The suggestion seems to be nothing
but indicative of Delhi's fear of Muslim growth within India.

Of the six districts of Asom that Delhi identifies as the fastest
growing Muslim majority districts, four are adjacent to Bangladesh.
This is not a new trend as claimed by Delhi. These districts have
always been Muslim majority areas specially Karimganj, Dhubri and
Goalpara. Interestingly, for the last couple of years many prominent
Indian 'think tank' have been identifying Bangladesh as 'cocoon of
Islamic terrorism' claiming that its Islamists are part of Osama bin
Laden led IIF (International Islamic Front), an anti West Jihadi
front. Delhi also claims Government connection with HUJI
(Harkat-ul-Jihad-i-Islami), a Bangladeshi chapter of Pakistani Jihadi
organisation, and a forefront organisation charged with training
South East Asian Jihadists like Jamai-Islamia. The suggestions also
indicated how Madrasas are preparing Jihadist to 'Talibanise'
Bangladesh. India's top analysts also believe that these Jihadists
were out to disrupt US interest in the region and Dhaka presents
greater threat to the stability of India's NE. These impudent
propaganda have two fold aims. One, to internationalise Bangladesh as
an 'extremist country', two, create pressure on Dhaka to resolve
outstanding issues those identified as vital strategic concerns for
India, with special reference to NE Indian integration. A few among
these concerns are, corridor, use of port, gas pipeline and joint
military operation against so-called insurgents camp, much in line of
Bhutan. However, it now seems that Bangladesh did better allowing US
agencies to investigate these accusations on ground. It would not be
out of place to mention that India has been denying Bangladesh
transit right for Nepal for commercial purpose on strategic ground.
Let me quote from one of the recent analyses made by Anand Kumar in
SAAG (South Asian Analysis Group) paper no; 1216 titled '
India-Myanmar Gas Pipeline Through Bangladesh-pipe Dream' on the
Nepal corridor," any free trans-national movement through the
sensitive 'Siliguri Corridor' may not be acceptable to India. 
Bangladesh is fully aware of the situation".

It is needless to say that we have hardly weighed the strategic
implication of Gas Pipeline or corridor or opening our port. Be that
as it may, in course of our discussion with Mr. Vaidik, I brought up
the issue of the Indian perception of Sino-Bangla relationship. New
Delhi views Sino- Bangla relationship as growing strategic nexus on
her eastern periphery, much like Sino-Pak strategic collusion on the
western flank. Defence analysts close to Indian military, views these
relations as Chinese bid to envelop India from the flanks in a given
time. A recent article published in SAAG, views Indo-Bangla relation
through the prism of Indian national security. The article suggests,
"Every Indian government is very sensitive to its national security
that takes priority in formulating India's foreign policy.
Particularly it is true for the neighbouring countries". The concern
increases, as India would like to enter the exclusive club of the Big
Powers. However, the article continues suggesting that Indian policy 
towards Bangladesh would always be factored by China-Bangladesh
military collaboration, which, according to Indian analysts, have
matured over last thirty years.

However, the above quoted article not only details Indian concern of
the Sino-Bangla collusion but cautions USA of the growing
China-Bangladesh-Myanmar nexus in the Bay of Bengal which, according
to Delhi, may prove to be anti-US interest in the region. Indian
warning did not go unheeded as RAND Corporation, one of the think
tanks close to US administration, in its annual strategic paper
mentioned "given the proximity of this region (Bangladesh and
Myanmar) to China, these countries would likely to be reluctant to
become too closely aligned with United States, in the event of
heightened tension".

Keeping the above in view, one may not be wrong to suggest that US
deputy secretary state, South Asia, Mr. Torkel Peterson's visit to
Chittagong and his suggestions, were purely based on economic issues.
While concluding my discussion with Dr. Vaidik, who admitted that he
was ignorant of the fact that Indo-Bangla relation was so much
dependent on the strategic factors, which India views as essential
for her national security. India's national security perception is to
acquire and maintain dominant power status in the region capable of
challenging Chinese growth, much akin to US interest in South and
South East Asia. Many Indian intellectuals like Dr. Vaidik may not
have any trepidation of strategic issues but fact remains that
military analysts remain concerned with the growing strategic
importance that Bangladesh is acquiring since the disintegration of
the Soviet Union and rapid Chinese ascendancy as Asian super power.

However, what we need to underscore is the fact that our relation
with India is much influenced by the strategic issues those Delhi
views as vital for her march to become at least a dominant Asian
power. We have to live with that geo-strategic fact and preserve our
national interest.

The author is a defense analyst.

http://thedailystar.net/strategic/2005/01/02/strategic.htm


                
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