------- Forwarded Message Follows -------
Date sent:              Mon, 07 Jun 1999 13:35:30 -0700
To:                     (Recipient list suppressed)
From:                   Sid Shniad <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject:                THE PEACE THAT BETRAYS THE KOSOVAR CAUSE - Robert Fisk

The Independent                                         June 5, 1999

THE PEACE THAT BETRAYS THE KOSOVAR CAUSE

        By Robert Fisk 

        So we've won the war, have we? That's what we are now being 
told by our leaders. Messrs Clinton, Blair, Cook and all the rest are 
telling us that NATO may shortly achieve its aim of returning 
750,000 refugees to their homes, of installing a NATO-Russian 
force in Kosovo and ensuring the withdrawal of Serb police and 
troops. NATO, after its failure to crush a country of 10 million 
people in fewer than 70 days, can now walk tall again.  All the 
Albanians who trekked over the frontiers of Macedonia and Albania 
are going to head home under "our" protection. 
        The BBC and CNN have gone along with this scenario - just as 
their cameras will be there to record the emotional return of the 
people of Kosovo to Pristina, Prizren, Pec and the other scorched 
towns. All that will be missing is the truth: that we never went to 
war for the return of refugees.  We went to war for a peace 
agreement accepted by the Kosovo Albanians but rejected by the 
Serbs - an agreement that NATO's leaders have themselves now 
rejected in their desperation to finish the air bombardment on Serbia. 
For the price of peace for NATO is the erasure of the most crucial 
paragraph in the Paris peace agreeement - the "final settlement" 
promised to the Kosovo Albanians after three years of autonomy 
that would almost certainly have led to independence. 
        Incredibly, we have allowed our leaders to bend the historical 
record, to twist the truth out of all recognition so that NATO's 
"victory" will be the return of an army of refugees who were not 
even refugees when we began this wretched war. And we are on the 
point of betraying the Kosovo Albanians whom we persuaded to 
sign up for peace in Paris with a promise that the "will of the people" 
(90 per cent of them Albanians) would be respected in 2002 with 
almost certain independence. 
        We cannot expect the BBC or CNN to rewind the film for us but 
we can nevertheless spool back through the last three months of 
history to remind ourselves of why we went to war. In their 
campaign of "ethnic cleansing", the Serbs had by the early spring 
committed a series of massacres. The world was outraged by what 
appeared to be a repeat - if on a smaller scale - of the Bosnian war. 
And we in the West still had a score to settle with Slobodan 
Milosevic over that terrible conflict. 
        In Paris, the Kosovo Albanians were cajoled into signing the 
American-scripted "peace". Madeleine Albright cosied up to her 
"friend"  Hashim Thaci, the KLA man known as "The Snake" who 
was then the guerrilla army's leading officer. In the end, General 
Wesley Clarke - the very same general who has been busy bombing 
Serbia's barracks, army, air force, railways, oil refineries, water 
treatment plants, bridges, hospitals and housing estates - was 
brought in to remonstrate with Mr Thaci. The Kosovo Albanians 
would obtain their freedom, they were told, because - under the 
terms of the Paris agreement - an international meeting on Kosovo 
would be held in three years' time "to determine a mechanism for a 
final settlement for Kosovo, on the basis of the will of the people, 
opinions of the relevant authorities". Since only 10 per cent of "the 
people" were Serbs, the KLA knew what that meant. 
        Then the war began. And within weeks, the biblical exodus of 
the Kosovo Albanians was upon us, driven from their homes by the 
Serbs the moment NATO commenced its bombardment of Serbia. 
Mr Blair was to tell us that the refugee situation would have been 
"far worse" had NATO not gone into action - a suggestion he 
mercifully forgot once half the Kosovo nation had poured over the 
international frontier. In fact, NATO had every reason to know what 
would happen if it went to war with Serbia; on 18 March, General 
Nebojsa Pavkovic said in Belgrade that "settling scores with the 
terrorists [sic] still in Kosovo doesn't pose any problem and that's 
what we'll do if our country is attacked from the air or the ground." 
        Once the tragedy of the Kosovo Albanians was before our eyes, 
General Clarke announced that their exodus was "entirely 
predictable". He hadn't shared that information with us, of course, 
when the war had begun. And from that moment, the return of the 
refugees was adopted as the principal purpose of NATO's war. 
NATO troops would not enter Kosovo to "protect" the people - 
they would enter in order to ensure their safe return from an exile 
which the war itself had brought about. And the promises about the 
"will of the people" were forgotten. Independence for the Kosovars 
was no longer mentioned. 
        The "peace" that Mr Milosevic has now accepted is not the 
peace of Rambouillet or of Paris. NATO will send in the troops and 
force the Serb army out. But it is no longer offering a "mechanism" 
to respect the "will of the people". The Albanians will go back to an 
international protectorate that contains no formula for independence. 
The KLA will be "demilitarised". 
        And in a world where crystal balls are always broken, I venture 
to make a prediction about Kosovo which I sincerely hope will 
prove wrong: that in the days before NATO's troops arrive in 
Kosovo, the KLA's new commander - the infamous Agim Cecu who, 
as a Croatian army general, "ethnically cleansed"  170,000 Serb 
civilians from Krajina - will "cleanse" the remaining Serbs from 
Kosovo. That the KLA will refuse to be "demilitarised". That in a 
few months' time - at most a year - NATO's enemies will be the 
KLA, who will be raging against the West for abandoning their 
hopes of independence. Then we shall remember how we thought 
we had won the war.



Reply via email to