FYI

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Anthony P. D'Costa
Associate Professor                             Ph: (253) 692-4462
Comparative International Development           Fax: (253) 692-5718             
University of Washington                        Box Number: 358436
1900 Commerce Street                            
Tacoma, WA 98402, USA
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---------- Forwarded message ----------
Date: Fri, 23 Mar 2001 09:56:07 -0800
From: John O. Haley <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: Japan-U.S. Discussion Forum <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject: NBR'S JAPAN FORUM  Economic Stagnation: Institutional Patterns    
    (link)

Dear Eric--Following is a copy of a letter I have sent today to the 
Wall Street Journal in response to Michael Porter's op ed piece of 
yesterday:


"Michael E. Porter (WSJ, 21 March 2001) adds the critical element 
of competition to the on-going discussion of Japan's decade of  
economic stagnation.  He misses, however, two important aspects 
of the failure of competition in postwar Japan . One helps to 
explain the cause of Japan's economic doldrums; the other a major 
impediment to any politically acceptable cure. 

The first is relatively simple. Whatever may be said about the 
anticompetitive features of postwar industrial policies under the 
Ministry of International Trade and Industry (MITI, currently the 
Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry or METI), they did not 
deter new entry or effective inter-firm rivalry within Japan's 
leading manufacturing industries. New entry was in fact a 
prevailing characteristic of the automobile, consumer electronics, 
integrated steel, machine tool, pharmaceutical, and other 
manufacturing industries between 1950 and 1975. The result was the 
emergence of internationally competitive producers of tremendous 
wealth. In stark contrast licensing controls rigidly enforced by 
the Ministry of Finance during the same period to prevent new 
entry--domestic or foreign--stifled competition and retarded 
innovation throughout Japan's highly segmented financial services 
industry. The consequences, as Professor Porter points out, have 
been devastating.

A failure of competition also hinders any cure. In this instance, 
however, the problem is not a consequence of government policy. 
Nor is it isolated to financial services. In a word, Japan has no 
market for experienced workers.      

No single institutional feature of postwar Japan has been more 
influential on the patterns of political, economic and social life 
than the pattern of entry level hiring coupled with a central 
personnel office staffed by senior career manager with full 
responsibility for the recruitment, training, assignment and 
promotion of career staff. Aside from universities no large or even 
middling public or private organization departs from this 
organizational pattern. Nothing like it exists in the United 
States, to my knowledge, except for the armed services and perhaps 
the Federal Bureau of Investigation. 

The prevalence of this organizational pattern means that nearly all 
Japanese who work in public and private organizations with more 
than a few managerial employees began their careers as generalists 
in their early twenties. Because no lateral hiring exists except 
for marginal positions, corresponding legal and social protections 
have developed to ensure against termination without significant 
cause.  For a half century career workers thus knew with reasonable 
certainty as they entered the managerial workforce that they would 
remain with one employer for the duration of their careers--that 
is, until retirement thirty or so years hence. Their economic 
future has thus been irreversibly tied to their employer's success. 

This pattern of employment and organization helps to explain many 
if not most of the more prominent characteristics of postwar 
patterns of worker and organizational behavior, such as 
institutional loyalty, firm rivalry and corresponding protective 
we-they and insider-outsider attitudes, as well as emphasis on 
collective employee welfare with concomitant controls that may 
suppress individual employee interests.

The pattern also means, however, that no market--at least among 
public and private organizations of any size--developed for 
experienced workers. Without lateral hiring, there has been no 
demand for mid career managers no matter how skilled. Without such 
demand, there can be no market. And without a market, terminated 
middle aged workers have no place to go. 

Any effort to restructure or reform the Japanese economy involving 
large scale loss of employment for workers between the ages of 30 
and 55 is therefore apt to have extremely high economic and social 
costs. Thousands of workers in their prime could face the bleak 
prospect of no job and an inadequate economic safety net. Economic 
reform thus involves risks that would cause even the most astute 
political leader to hesitate."

John O. Haley
March 22, 2001


>>> Eric G Dinmore <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> 03/21/01 03:49PM 
>>>
Dear Forum Members:

In case you have not seen it yet, the March 21 Washington Post 
included an article concerning the differing reactions of the US 
government and American manufacturers to the Bank of Japan's 
new inflationary policy.        The article is avaliable at:

"Japan's Economic Plan Could Hurt U.S. Companies" 
http://washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/world/asia/ 

Eric Dinmore 
Assistant Moderator

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