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Discover Sylvan Learning Centers and get $100 off enrollment, $25 off a Skill Assessment, or a FREE video. http://click.topica.com/aaaavnbz8SnrbAjwjxa/SylvanLearning ------------------------------------------------------------ __________________________________________________________________________ The Internet Anti-Fascist: Tuesday, 1 August 2000 Vol. 4, Number 62 (#447) __________________________________________________________________________ Obituary: Richard Norton-Taylor (The Guardian), "Ruth Werner: Member of the Red Orchestra," 11 Jul 00 Book Review: Seumas Milne (The Guardian), "Novel damned by Captain Corelli's model," 29 Jul 00 Movie Review: Jonathan Foreman (The Guardian), "How Mel Gibson helped to turn us into Nazis ... the secret fascism of the Patriot," 10 Jul 00 What's Worth Checking: 15 stories -------------------------------------------------------------------------- OBITUARY: Ruth Werner: Member of the Red Orchestra Richard Norton-Taylor (The Guardian) 11 Jul 00 Ruth Werner, who has died aged 93 in her native Berlin, was one of the Soviet Union's star agents, a member of the wartime Red Orchestra and Lucy spy rings in Switzerland before she came to Britain, where, using the codename Sonya, she was a courier for the atom spy, Klaus Fuchs. She was born Ursula Kuczynski into a Polish Jewish family, supporters, like Fuchs, of the German communist party (the KPD). According to Fuchs's biographer, Robert Chadwell Williams, their leftwing connections led MI5 to open a KAEOT - "keep an eye on them" - file on the family as early as 1928. Six years later, Werner's father, Robert, arrived in Britain as a refugee. Her brother, Jürgen, joined him in London in 1936, where despite - or, indeed, because of - his communist sympathies and anti-fascist credentials, he was later recruited by the OSS, the forerunner of the American CIA, to contact resistance groups in occupied Europe and draw up intelligence reports. Werner's career as a spy began in 1930, when, with her first husband, Rudolf Hamburger, she went to live in Shanghai. Hamburger, an architect and Soviet agent, had taken a job with the British-administered Shanghai municipal council. She later described her shock at the poverty and exploitation in the city, where she soon became involved in revolutionary and communist circles. She was approached by the German communist Richard Sorge, then the Soviet Union's masterspy in the Far East (he was executed by the Japanese in 1944). She later described it as the "one event which was to prove decisive for my future life". Sorge, who gave Werner the codename Sonya, suggested she went to Moscow for training in espionage and radio communications at the headquarters of the Red army's intelligence service, the GRU. She travelled extensively as a GRU agent, returning to China, where she helped to organise revolutionary forces fighting the Japanese along the Manchurian border. In 1938, after settling her children in England, Werner was sent to Switzerland, the centre for Europe's espionage networks, including the Rote Kapelle (Red Orchestra) and the Lucy Ring, which was later used by Britain to pass intelligence about Germany to the Soviet Union. There she met Allan Foote, a British member of the Lucy Ring, who introduced her to a fellow veteran of the International Brigade in Spain, Len Beurton, whom she married in 1940. With that act, she became entitled to a British passport, and, after coming close to being denounced as a Soviet spy, she made her way to England, with Len following soon after. The family rented a cottage in Summertown, north Oxford, before moving to a large house in the nearby village of Great Rollright - a convenient place from which Werner could handle Fuchs, then living and working in Birmingham - and at the atomic research centre at Harwell. In 1942, Fuchs contacted Jürgen, who he had known from their past communist days, and Jürgen immediately put him in touch with Werner. They had a series of meetings in Banbury, after which Werner passed Fuchs's information either to her Soviet controllers in London or directly to Moscow by radio. In 1946, Moscow suddenly broke off contact with Werner for reasons which remain unexplained. However, it seems clear that, by the following year, her and Len's cover had been blown by Foote - if only because she was visited by two special branch officers. Whatever the truth of the matter, they appeared to have no evidence about what Werner had been up to, and, as she put it later: "They left us calmly and politely, but empty-handed." MI5 did not put her under surveillance either before or after the visits - the consequence of both incompetence and complacency. Werner was allowed to leave Britain early in 1950, on the day before Fuchs was put on trial for giving away the west's atom secrets. As she wrote in her autobiography, Sonya's Report, which was published in Germany in 1977 and in Britain in 1991: "Either it was complete stupidity on the part of MI5 never to have connected me with Klaus, or they may have let me get away with it, since every further discovery would have increased their disgrace." Werner had been a member of the KPD, and joined the Communist party of Great Britain in 1947. She then became a member of the former communist party of East Germany, the reformed party of Democratic Socialism, which announced her death - without giving the cause. She had been married three times, and had three children. In an afterword to the British translation of her autobiography, she wrote: "I had not worked those 20 years with Stalin in mind. We wanted to help the people of the Soviet Union in their efforts to prevent war, and when war broke out against German fascism, to win it". Norman Moss writes: Ruth Werner was one of the last of that generation of people who dedicated their lives to communism in the belief that they were working for a more humane and just society. I learned about her because I wrote a book about Klaus Fuchs. While the cold war was still on, I could not question her, but I was in Berlin after the wall came down and she entertained me and my wife to aromatic tea and cinnamon cakes. She was a small woman with fluffy white hair and a prominent nose, and a way of peering intently through her spectacles when she talked. She was angry that British newspapers had called her a spy, a term she vehemently rejected. "I was not a spy," she insisted. "I was never in the KGB. I was a member of the Red army, in the reconnaissance service." Her insistence on this may have been because she did not want to be associated with KGB agents who spied on her fellow-East Germans, or with the hated Stasi, the East German secret police. Werner began to serve communism during the Nazi era. "I fought against fascism," she said. "Whatever else, I can hold my head up high because of that." She had believed in communism, even in Stalin, even when he executed the old Bolsheviks. "We didn't know about Stalin's crimes," she assured me. "I remember how shocked I was when we were told about them." She liked England, and recalled English friends fondly, seeing no difficulty in reconciling this with her espionage activities directed against Britain "There was no conflict. I had friends, and they were good people. I didn't lie to them. I just didn't tell them what I was doing, that's all." She recalled the difficulties of combining motherhood with her career. The most painful time was when she was called to Moscow for three months' training and had to leave her two small children with her in-laws - her chiefs had decided that, if the children came with her, one of them might pick up a Russian word and blurt it out, thus giving away the fact that she had been in the Soviet Union. Like many former East Germans, Werner disliked many aspects of reunification. "It wasn't unification, it was annexation," she said. "I approved of glasnost, yes. The GDR actually tried to ban some of Gorbachev's articles - that was too much." But she had not foreseen the way events would go. A visitor from Berlin told me last month that Wener was still a lively conversationalist. I recalled her last words about communism. She said she still believed in true socialism, and thought deformations had caused it to fail. But she admitted that she could find no faith in the future to replace the one she had lost. "For me, this is not a good time to be old," she said. Her tone was not bitter, but sad. Ruth Werner, spy, born May 15 1907; died July 7 2000 -------------------------------------------------------------------------- BOOK REVIEWS: Novel damned by Captain Corelli's model Seumas Milne (The Guardian) 29 Jul 00 A former Italian soldier regarded as the model for the hero of Captain Corelli's Mandolin - Louis de Bernières's bestselling novel set on the Greek island of Cephalonia during the second world war - has launched a fierce attack on the book as an unacceptable smear against Greek resistance to the Nazis. In an interview with the Guardian, Captain Amos Pampaloni, 89, a Florentine whose experiences almost exactly reflect those of the fictional Corelli, accuses the British author of rewriting the story of Cephalonia's war and "pandering to racism" by portraying Greek partisans as "barbarians". Mr Pampaloni's onslaught is likely to fuel controversy about de Bernières's story on the island, where a US-backed film, starring Nicolas Cage as Captain Corelli, is being shot. Under a barrage of complaints from Cephalonian resistance veterans and politicians the film-makers have given undertakings that the movie will be a straightforward love story and will not repeat de Bernières's most controversial claims. The author was persuaded to cut inflammatory passages from the Greek edition of his book, which has sold 1.5m copies worldwide, and recently conceded that he "might be wrong" about the communist-led Greek resistance. But the campaign in Cephalonia against the book appears to be growing, despite the boost to its tourist industry. Last week the Greek government was criticised for providing soldiers and ships for the film's battle scenes. The novel tells the story of a love affair between the daughter of a Cephalonian doctor and a captain in Mussolini's army of occupation, who helps turn Italian troops against the Germans and survives the subsequent massacre of more than 9,000 of them. Woven into the drama is an unremittingly hostile account of the role of the Greek resistance, who are portrayed as torturers, rapists and cowards who refuse to fight the Germans. In particular, de Bernières claims the partisans refused to support the Italians in their confrontation with Hitler's troops in September 1943. Speaking for the first time about the book at his home in Florence, Mr Pampaloni said Cephalonian guerrillas did fight alongside the Italians. "The picture painted of the Greek partisans is unacceptable," the Italian veteran said. "To speak of the Greeks as barbarians, who killed for the sake of it, is pandering to racism." Like de Bernières's hero, Mr Pampaloni was a captain in an artillery regiment on Cephalonia and like Corelli, he had an affair with a local girl. Like Corelli, he played a central role in the decision to attack German troops and like Corelli, he was shot and left for dead after the Italian defeat. But, whereas Corelli returned to Italy to be a fireman, Mr Pampaloni fought for a year with the partisans and helped lead the liberation of Cephalonia in 1944. In an email to the Guardian Bernières denied that Corelli was inspired by Mr Pampaloni. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- MOVIE REVIEW: How Mel Gibson helped to turn us into Nazis ... the secret fascism of the Patriot Jonathan Foreman (The Guardian) 10 Jul 00 The week before The Patriot opened in America, the British press lit up with furious headlines. "Truth is first casualty in Hollywood's war," read one in the Daily Telegraph. Another story, about the historical model for Mel Gibson's character, was headed: "The secret shame of Mel's new hero." The articles complained that this epic about the War of American Independence portrays British redcoats as "bloodthirsty and unprincipled stormtroopers" and "bloodthirsty child-killers". The historian and biographer Andrew Roberts called the film "racist" in the Daily Express, and pointed out that it was only the latest in a series of films such as Titanic, Michael Collins and The Jungle Book remake that have depicted the British as "treacherous, cowardly, evil [and] sadistic". Roberts had a theory: "With their own record of killing 12m American Indians and supporting slavery for four decades after the British abolished it, Americans wish to project their historical guilt onto someone else." I can only imagine how much angrier Fleet Street's pundits will be once they have actually seen the movie. When The Patriot opens on Friday, Britons will see a supposedly authentic historical epic that radically rewrites history. It does so by casting George III's redcoats as cartoonish paragons of evil. If you didn't know anything about the revolution, you might actually believe the British army was made up of demonic sadists who committed one atrocity after another. The Patriot is well made and often exciting. But it is disturbing in a way that many weaker, dumber films are not. It's not just that it distorts history in a way that goes way beyond Hollywood's traditional poetic licence; it's the strange, primitive politics that seem to underlie that distortion. The Patriot doesn't "get" patriotism - in either the modern or the 18th-century sense of the word. The only memorable political sentiment voiced comes when Gibson's character declares that he sees no advantage in replacing the tyranny of one man 3,000 miles away for the tyranny of 3,000 men one mile away. The deliberate lacuna demonstrates a lack of understanding of, or even a hostility to, the patriotic politics that motivated the founding fathers. You could even argue without too much exaggeration that The Patriot is as fascist a film (and I use the term in its literal sense, not as a synonym for "bad") as anything made in decades. It's even more fascist than Fight Club. The Patriot presents a deeply sentimental cult of the family, casts unusually Aryan-looking heroes and avoids any democratic or political context in its portrayal of the revolution. Instead, it offers a story in which the desire for blood vengeance - for a son shot by a British officer - turns Gibson's character into a "patriot". Meanwhile, the imagery piles up: blond pre-teens are turned into the equivalent of the Third Reich's boy-soldiers; Gibson becomes one of those bloodied, axe-wielding supermen so beloved in Nazi folk iconography; and the black population of South Carolina - where the film is set - are generally depicted as happy, loyal slaves, or equally happy (and unlikely) freedmen. But the most disturbing thing about The Patriot is not just that German director Roland Emmerich (director of the jingoistic Independence Day) and screenwriter Robert Rodat (who was criticised for excluding British and other Allied soldiers from Saving Private Ryan) depict British troops as committing atrocities, but that these bear such a resemblance to war crimes by German troops - particularly the SS - in the second world war. In one scene in The Patriot, the British regulars murder wounded American POWs. In another, they order the execution of an American soldier captured in uniform. Such crimes were common on the eastern front of the second world war, but were never committed by regular troops during the War of Independence, according to Richard Snow, editor of American Heritage magazine. Of course, irregular militias, terrorist bands allied to both sides and Indian proxies did some very nasty things. And, sure, spies and traitors were hanged. But regulars on both sides made the distinction between those categories and uniformed combatants. Snow understands the outrage in the British press: "They should be upset." The most outrageous of The Patriot's many faults is that Emmerich and Rodat show the British committing a war crime that closely resembles one of the most notorious Nazi atrocities - the massacre of 642 people (including 205 children) in the French village of Oradour sur Glane on June 10, 1944. At Oradour, the Waffen SS's Das Reich division punished local resistance activity by first shooting all the men and boys. Then they rounded up the women and children, locked them in the town church and set it on fire. You can see Oradour today exactly as it was just after the Nazis carried out the mass murder - the French have left it as an empty memorial. There was one major case of British regulars burning a town during the revolution. It was Groton, Connecticut, and the troops were under the command of Benedict Arnold. The houses they burned were empty. Yet in The Patriot British dragoons lock scores of civilians, most of them women and children, into a church and set it alight. According to both Snow and historian Thomas Fleming, no such incident took place during the revolution. As Snow says: "Of course it never happened - if it had, do you think Americans would have forgotten it? It could have kept us out of the first world war." By transposing Oradour to South Carolina, and making 18th-century Britons the first moderns to commit this particular war crime, Emmerich and Rodat have done something unpleasantly akin to Holocaust revisionism. They have made a film that will have the effect of inoculating audiences against the unique historical horror of Oradour - and implicitly rehabilitating the Nazis. If the Nazis had won the war in Europe, and their propaganda ministry had decided to make a film about the American Revolution, The Patriot is the sort of movie you could expect to see. Doubters should take a look at Goebbels's pre-Pearl Harbor efforts at inflaming isolationist Anglophobia. It's just as well for Sony-Columbia that Emmerich, Rodat and Gibson didn't make a film like this about the French, the Chinese or even the Arabs. If they had, there would probably have been government protests, popular demonstrations and boycotts. But they have still told a big lie about the war that brought the US into existence, one that feeds an even greater lie about the war and the enemy that the US and Britain fought half a century ago. It's a shameful way to make money. And it's particularly insidious in a film that goes to such lengths to avoid anachronism in clothing, weaponry and battle tactics. It's hard to define, but there is clearly a point where dramatic licence shades into something much more sinister. If you made a film in which Africans raided Europe for slaves to bring to America, or Jews provoked pogroms by drinking the blood of gentile children, you would have passed that point, even if such films were exciting, well acted and starred Mel Gibson. I don't blame Gibson so much: it's no surprise when actors overlook historical accuracy for a good role. Especially when they receive $25m for their trouble, as Gibson did for The Patriot. But I'd like to introduce Emmerich and Rodat to the families of those massacred at Oradour. -------------------------------------------------------------------------- WHAT'S WORTH CHECKING stories via <ftp://ftp.nyct.net/pub/users/tallpaul/publish/story6/> AP, "Nazi Suspect Ruled Mentally Fit," 7 June 00, "A medical panel ruled Wednesday that Nazi war crimes suspect Aleksandras Lileikis is mentally fit enough to follow legal proceedings on short-circuit television, clearing the way for his trial in absentia to go forward. Lileikis, 92, has been charged with genocide for allegedly handing over scores of Jews to be executed during the 1941-44 German occupation, when he headed the Nazi- backed Vilnius security police. <1551.txt> AP, "Museum Allowed To Keep Sculpture," 13 June 00, "The Art Institute of Chicago has reached an agreement allowing it to keep a sculpture that was sold at auction during the Nazi occupation of France in World War II." <1552.txt> Cam McAlpine (Canadian Press), "Federal government considers B.C. city's anti-hate proposal in drafting national policy," 4 June 00, "The local city council's move to create a policy to combat activities by hate groups could help shape Ottawa's thinking on a national anti-hate strategy." <1553.txt> Richard Bourdeaux (Los Angeles Times), "Vatican's fight over gay event shakes up politics in Rome," 4 Jun 00, "Nearly halfway into the Roman Catholic Church's Holy Year, the nightmares of its organizers -- unwieldy crowds, gridlock, terrorism, the sudden collapse of an overworked pope -- have yet to come true. But when a group of prelates sat down in the Vatican last month to watch a three-hour video, they perceived a terrible new menace to the yearlong event: an international gay pride festival scheduled for July 1-9 in Rome. The film, sent by Monsignor William Levada, archbishop of San Francisco, contains news and documentary footage of a 1998 gay parade in his city. Some irreverent homosexual activists are shown dressed as priests and nuns; others are dressed in nothing at all. Now, turning what it calls blasphemy into propaganda, the Vatican has made the video available to Italian politicians trying to block the gay gathering in Rome. On Thursday, Catholic political activists sought to outrage rush-hour pedestrians by showing parts of it on a big screen set up on a corner of the heavily traveled Via del Corso." <1554.txt> Kim Murphy (Los Angeles Times), "Holocaust Revisionist Isn't Shirking Spotlight -- But critics liken his campaign for respect to a freak sideshow," 3 June 00, "David Irving, the controversial World War II historian whose questions about the Holocaust led to a stinging defeat in a London courtroom, launched a three-month U.S. tour last weekend, accusing his opponents of spending $6 million to defeat him and vowing to appeal the ruling that branded him a racist and an anti-Semite. "There's been something akin to a grave injustice done," said Irving. "It's sad to say that in the battle between David and Goliath, David doesn't always win. But I think I can say in this particular battle, David is going to win, and the victory is going to be sweet when it comes." Irving's appearance was the highlight of a conference of some of the world's best-known Holocaust revisionists, who met at a secret location in Irvine, Calif., to promote their demands for new investigations to prove there was no mass extermination of European Jews during World War II. Joining their ranks was former Republican Rep. Pete McCloskey, who is bringing a class-action lawsuit against the Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith that seeks damages for the Jewish organization's alleged illegal spying on U.S. citizens critical of Israel and of the former apartheid regime in South Africa. "I came because I respect the thesis of this organization," McCloskey said at the gathering, "that thesis being that there should be a reexamination of whatever governments say or politicians say or political entities say'." <1555.txt> David Chanen (Star Tribune), "Three weeks later, officer seeks answers about hate letter," 6 June 00, "Minneapolis police officer Eric Lukes says he just wants some answers. Nearly three weeks ago, he was informed that a letter found in a public restroom in the Police Department's Fourth Precinct contained racial epithets and death threats directed at him. Since then, he said, he feels left in the dark. He's upset that the department didn't tell him about the letter until the day after it was discovered. And the lack of information regarding the FBI's investigation of the letter adds to his frustration, he said. Today, the Black Police Officers Association of Minneapolis is holding a news conference at Zion Baptist Church in Minneapolis to talk about the letter and the handling of the case." <1556.txt> WCCO Minnesota, "Man Faces Lawsuit For Sending Harassing Letters: Attorney General Says Man Targeted Jewish Community," 6 June 00, "Attorney General Mike Hatch on Monday filed a civil lawsuit against a St. Paul man accused of targeting Minnesota's Jewish community with terroristic and harassing threats." <1557.txt> Conrad deFiebre (Star Tribune), "Neo-Nazi denies sending hate mail and vows not to," 8 June 00, "An avowed neo-Nazi from St. Paul accused of sending threatening hate mail to Jewish organizations agreed Wednesday to a court order barring him from such harassment or any contact with Jewish groups or individuals 'with respect to religious or racial issues.' Paul Mullet, 26, the self-described commander of the Nazi Party of America, signed the order although he denied sending the mailings, which included an image of hanging corpses under the headline 'THE FATE OF ALL JEWS AND RACE TRAITORS'." <1558.txt> James M. Odato (Albany Times Union), "Hate crimes measure advances: Albany -- GOP-led Senate votes for legislation long sought by Democrats," 8 June 00, "In an uncommon bond with Democrats, Republican senators Wednesday passed a hate crimes bill authored by Gov. George Pataki and hailed by gay rights groups. The measure, likely to be negotiated into a match with a bill that has passed the Democrat-led Assembly 11 years running, would stiffen penalties for the commission of crimes based on bias against race, color, national origin, ancestry, gender, religion, age, disability or sexual orientation. New York would join 41 other states with hate crimes laws, 23 of which include sexual orientation as a category of bias. In a 48-12 vote, a dozen Republican senators said they shared concerns of some conservative and religious groups that the measure is redundant and can be seen as supporting homosexual lifestyles." <1559.txt> Judy Rakowsky (Boston Globe), "As reported hate crimes in Boston surge, prosecutions drop," 12 June 00, "A decade ago, the Community Disorders Unit of the Boston Police Department was riding high, a pioneering detective squad formed in the embers of court-ordered busing and nationally recognized for its vigorous pursuit of those who committed hate crimes. Then-mayor Raymond L. Flynn would hold press conferences heralding annual reports of the CDU. It was used as a model for civil rights training by the FBI, and within the Police Department the unit was considered a launching pad for star detectives. But today, 20 years after Massachusetts became one of the first states in the country to enact a hate-crimes bill, the squad is a shell of what it used to be, undercut by political pressure from heavily voting South Boston. The decline of the CDU is a case study in both the exercise of raw Southie muscle and the erosion of a bulwark against racism that was widely seen as a significant contributor to the cleansing of Boston's image in the traumatic aftermath of busing in the 1970s. <1560.txt> Andrew Quinn (Reuters), "Court affirms Ruby Ridge agent's immunity : Idaho had tried to charge an FBI sharpshooter in a death. U.S. appeals judges said no, but one sharply dissented," 12 June 00, "The FBI sharpshooter who killed the wife of a white supremacist in the 1992 Ruby Ridge shoot-out cannot be prosecuted by the state of Idaho, a federal appeals court decided yesterday. The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, ruling 2-1 in a case that sparked debate over the conduct of federal agents in standoffs with militia groups, said Agent Len Horiuchi made an 'objectively reasonable decision' to open fire during an armed confrontation at the Ruby Ridge, Idaho, cabin of white supremacist Randy Weaver in August 1992. <1561.txt> AP, "Racial Vandalism Spurs Suspensions," 7 June 00, "Sixteen seniors were suspended and barred from graduation activities for allegedly scrawling racial slurs and stringing up a dead cat at Palm Springs High School. Police were investigating the incident as a hate crime. Racial epithets were apparently directed at the principal, who is black, school officials said. The vandals also drew swastikas with white shoe polish and poured gasoline on the lawn of the 1,300-student school." <1562.txt> Joseph B. Treaster (New York Times), "Reports of Bias by Life Insurers Investigated," 7 June 00, "The New York State Department of Insurance has begun an investigation into reports that for decades some life insurance companies in the state discriminated against blacks and other minority members by charging them higher premiums than white customers. Neil D. Levin, the state superintendent of insurance, said last night that there were no indications that discriminatory rates were still being charged by the more than 50 insurers selling policies in New York. But he said it was not clear whether some customers were still paying discriminatory premiums on policies written long ago and whether inadequate death benefits from some of these policies might have been paid in recent years." <1563.txt> Kiley Russell (AP), "Guards Said Set Up Prison Fights," 7 June 00, "Eight guards at one of alifornia's toughest prisons abused their authority by staging gladiator-style fights among rival inmates 'for entertainment purposes,' a prosecutor said Tuesday." <1564.txt> Adam W. Corey (ABC News), "Hate on Campus: Study Finds Hate Crimes on Campus," 12 June 00, "Walking the campus of Brown University proved to be increasingly hard this year for 21-year-old senior Ebony Thompson. On top of the normal stresses of college life, she says she was the victim of a hate crime. Thompson, one of the 356 black students at Brown last year, says she was assaulted in February as she walked to her dormitory in Providence, R.I. Three intoxicated white male students physically attacked her and shouted racial slurs, she says. 'You’re a quota. You don’t belong here. You’re only here because your parents have money,' Thompson recalls one of the men saying. Thompson was not physically hurt, but claims her school did little to prevent such intolerance. 'People seem to feel like because Brown University is a liberal arts school that racism doesn’t exist,' says Thompson." <1565.txt> * * * * * In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107, this material is distributed without profit or payment to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving this information for non-profit research and educational purposes only. __________________________________________________________________________ FASCISM: We have no ethical right to forgive, no historical right to forget. 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