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• The struggle in the Nepal Maoist party



  

The struggle in the Nepal Maoist party
 

2 May 2005. Special to AWTW from a South Asia correspondent. In recent weeks 
reports have emerged about an important struggle taking place within the 
Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist). Given the great strides the party has been 
making and the real possibility that the revolution will achieve nationwide 
victory in the coming period, it is natural that the news of this internal 
struggle would be of great concern to revolutionary-minded people in Nepal and 
the world over. 

 

Press accounts, later confirmed by official party statements, write of a 
conflict between Chairman Prachanda, the principal leader of the party, and 
Comrade Babarum Bhattarai, a long-time leader of the party. The long-simmering 
conflict came to the surface when the party Central Committee took a decision 
to centralise the leadership by placing all five members of the party standing 
committee, including Chairman Prachanda, at the head of the party, the People’s 
Liberation Army, and the emerging new revolutionary state. The party believes 
that in addition to the general Marxist-Leninist-Maoist principle that the 
leadership of the three main vehicles of revolution must be unified, there is 
also a specific necessity for centralisation now that the revolution is 
entering a decisive stage. It was also necessary, the Central Committee felt, 
to deal a blow to the speculation of the enemy over divisions and rifts in the 
top party leadership by reaffirming the central leadership of Chairman
 Prachanda. 

 

Comrade Bhattarai has strenuously opposed the centralisation decision, 
mentioning a long-standing “cold war” in the party leadership over whether or 
not it is correct for a single person to occupy the leading posts in the party, 
army and government.

 

The dispute over “centralisation” involves a whole series of important 
questions as well. At the heart of them is what conclusions should be drawn 
from the long historical experience of exercising proletarian dictatorship, 
including from the restoration of capitalism in the former socialist states. 
The party Central Committee had earlier taken a resolution entitled 
“Development of Democracy in the 21st Century” which spoke to some of this 
experience. But it is also clear that differences existed and deepened within 
the party leadership over how to understand these crucial questions. Chairman 
Prachanda issued a statement saying that the dispute in the party is mainly 
related to these questions of exercising proletarian dictatorship and democracy 
and that it is natural that the party would be devoting serious attention to 
discussing these points. He also stressed that a thorough debate should take 
place not only within the party but among the masses themselves. This is a way, 
Chairman
 Prachanda argued, to involve the masses in the problems of “democracy of the 
21st century.”

 

Chairman Prachanda’s statement also pointed out that despite the important 
struggle taking place, the whole party was united on carrying forward the 
tactical line, including the strategic offensive against the tottering but 
vicious old regime led by King Gyanendra. For his part, Comrade Bhattarai 
issued a press statement together with Hsili Yami, another leading comrade, in 
which they declare, “Opportunist elements and the fascist royal regime have for 
a long time attempted to create confusion by making vicious propaganda that 
there is a contention of leadership and personal enmity between us and Com. 
Prachanda, Chairman of our glorious party. This merely exposes their own 
reactionary class outlook, ill intention and poverty of knowledge.”

 

It is not surprising that as the revolution knocks at the door of nationwide 
political power, crucial questions are posed about what kind of power will be 
created and how it will be exercised, and how to learn from both the negative 
and positive experiences of the proletarian revolutions of the 20th century in 
the USSR and China. This process of what Maoists refer to as “two line 
struggle” within the party is an inevitable part of the whole revolutionary 
process. Indeed, history has shown that such struggles can be a motor leading 
the party to greater ideological and political clarity and, on that basis, an 
even higher level of unity of action and unity of will. 

 

The approach the party leadership has adopted, including in entrusting the 
masses to participate in discussing these vital matters, differs in important 
ways from much of past experience in the communist movement. The genuine Maoist 
forces the world over will be carefully observing and learning from this 
important struggle unfolding within the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), with 
confidence that the party will emerge stronger, more united and more capable of 
carrying through the revolution to nationwide victory and the construction of 
the communist future.

-         end item- 



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