Re: Edwin Friedman

There is more to say about this article than I did in my response to it so far.


Below are a few quotes from the article that deserve some reflection;

there are also a few quotes from the "comments" section that are

worth thinking about.


To be able to think rationally about such subjects, however, requires

toleration for truth, or, better, giving truth high priority.  This may sound 
peculiar

but it shouldn't;  most people prefer to believe in convenient fictions that

are supportive of their biases and if some truth clashes with their bias

then that truth must be ignored or even denied.


You see this on both the Right and the Left.  For example, while there

are climate change deniers aplenty on the Right, the Left has its equivalent

in vaccine deniers, those who claim that vaccines cause autism. Such claims,

either Right or Left, are empirical. Solid real world evidence should settle

the matter. But it does not because, to further use  the example, zealots for

climate change tend to exaggerate the problem, hence all kinds of

bad science in support of the concept of global warming which

is bad enough without  lying about it.  This bad science receives

the opprobrium it deserves and as a result it damages its own cause.



To refer again to the panel discussion on C-Span about social media

and false information,  the problem is serious and seems to be getting worse.

There even is the rare but real phenomenon of people becoming better informed

yet doubling down on their dysfunctional views.


One problem with Friedman's essay, and with the comments that follow,

besides the fact that the language starches your shirt as you read it,

is the fact that nothing can penetrate anyone's skull if he or she

does not value the truth. This matter must be dealt with before

the other issues and insights in the essay can make any difference.


OK, how do you promote truth as a necessary value?  You'd think this would be

a primary goal of RC  And maybe it is, but it sure does not receive

much emphasis. Still, our problems in this area are close to zero

in comparison with partisans of Left and Right  -where truth

is always optional.

So, how do we promote the value in telling the truth?


Billy



-----------------------------------------------------------------

"The more empathic we are, the more that we discourage responsibility
and growth to maturity."

"The kind of “sensitivity” that leaders most require is a sensitivity to the 
degree
of chronic anxiety and the lack of self-differentiation in the system that 
surrounds them."


"They need to learn to be self-regulating and accountable, and our attempts
to be empathic achieve little in this regard."

-------------------


"Self-differentiated persons, while seeking to speak the truth, will not do so 
in a manner
that is invasive. They do not seek to offend, even though they sometimes will,
but to speak the truth..."


"...if evangelical approaches to evangelism and relationships with the world 
tend
to risk being reactive and invasive, liberal and post-evangelical approaches
in this area are frequently characterized by a dangerous sensitivity. This 
sensitivity
produces a loss of theological nerve and a compromising of orthodoxy to make it
more palatable to people who would never ‘adapt’ to it."


"A primary focus upon reasoning or empathizing with the world will always tend
towards a compromising the integrity of the Church and its message. On account
of its low threshold for the pain and offense of others, liberal Christianity 
has always
struggled to maintain integrity in its faith, and has always been vulnerable to 
the
false guilt-manipulation and rights-driven discourse that encourages
the spread of un-self-regulated parties."


"Dysfunctional persons, driven purely by a sense of entitlement, expect society
to adapt to them. Sensitive liberals, who have an extremely low pain threshold
for people suffering the consequences of their actions, produce
a leadership without nerve."


[we should] ...
"focus more upon the strengths of those in need in society, rather than their 
pathologies,
and upon their capacity for self-differentiating and self-regulating action. It 
seems to me
that this is a wonderful 
example<http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/07/14/out-of-poverty-family-style/>
 of the sort of approach that Friedman’s insights
would encourage. Rather than underwriting pathologies, resources would be 
channelled
towards the strengths whereby communities will be able to address and
overcome their pathologies."




________________________________
From: Billy Rojas
Sent: Saturday, July 7, 2018 1:40 AM
To: Centroids Discussions
Cc: Billy Rojas
Subject: [ RC ] COMMENTS ‘A Failure of Nerve’: Part 4



Not sure what to make of this article.  I think I get the main point(s) well 
enough,

but also feel unsatisfied with the drift of the discussion.  What is missing, 
so it seems to me,

is whether or not someone merits respect.  Because respect makes all the 
difference.


Suppose this was WWII and we were talking about a battle, maybe the fight for 
Cherbourg

in France.  Could be any of twenty or so significant battles. Anyway, there is 
a lot of damage

and a lot of suffering.  Suppose someone takes the view that we should pity the

suffering Nazis in Cherbourg, we should let them off easy, maybe even give

them the town if they promise not to take any other towns.  After all, the Nazis

are, in fact, suffering. Some are starving, some are wounded and need medical

attention, some are psychological wrecks, and so forth.


Uhhh, the key element here is the fact that they are Nazis, not that they

are suffering.  As Nazis they do not deserve respect.  Hell, considering

all the evil the Nazis did, they deserve death if they persist in their

fight against the Allies.


As far as I am concerned this is paralleled by the argument that the people of

Gaza suffer from Israeli retaliation to Hamas rocket attacks.  Yes, there are

innocent people caught in the cross fire, but what this is really all about

are a group of de facto Nazis, Hamas, and all the evil they do.  Besides,

the chances are that some percentage of "innocent" victims of cross fire

voted for Hamas and put that group of thugs in power. And I cannot respect them

any more than I could respect de jure Nazis.


In so many words, if you do not establish that some people deserve respect

then any discussion of "sensitivity" is out of bounds.  So is everything else

discussed in the article.


If we were actually discussing a group that deserves respect, sure,

the article would make sense, or more sense than not, but as far as

I can tell no effort was made to establish respect.


My opinion, anyway


Billy








________________________________
From: radicalcentrism@googlegroups.com <radicalcentrism@googlegroups.com> on 
behalf of Centroids <drer...@radicalcentrism.org>
Sent: Friday, July 6, 2018 9:04 PM
To: Centroids Discussions
Subject: [RC] Summary of Edwin Friedman’s ‘A Failure of Nerve’: Part 4


Fascinating book review. A very thoughtful critique of both evangelical and 
liberal Christianity.


Summary of Edwin Friedman’s ‘A Failure of Nerve’: Part 4
https://alastairadversaria.com/2012/01/14/summary-of-edwin-friedmans-a-failure-of-nerve-part-4/

[https://secure.gravatar.com/blavatar/661b25210dac6916ea1861d2adcddeaf?s=200&ts=1530950890]<https://alastairadversaria.com/2012/01/14/summary-of-edwin-friedmans-a-failure-of-nerve-part-4/>

Summary of Edwin Friedman’s ‘A Failure of Nerve’: Part 4 | Alastair's 
Adversaria<https://alastairadversaria.com/2012/01/14/summary-of-edwin-friedmans-a-failure-of-nerve-part-4/>
alastairadversaria.com
Other Posts in Series:&nbsp;Part 1,&nbsp;Part 2, Part 3, Part 5, Part 6 The 
Fallacy of Empathy Friedman now proceeds to take aim at the ‘fallacy of 
empathy’. He observes the way in which the political rhetor…


(via Instapaper<http://www.instapaper.com/>)

________________________________

Other Posts in Series: Part 
1<https://alastairadversaria.wordpress.com/2012/01/08/summary-of-edwin-friedmans-a-failure-of-nerve-part-1/>,
 Part 
2<https://alastairadversaria.wordpress.com/2012/01/10/summary-of-edwin-friedmans-a-failure-of-nerve-part-2/>,
 Part 
3<https://alastairadversaria.wordpress.com/2012/01/13/summary-of-edwin-friedmans-a-failure-of-nerve-part-3/>,
 Part 
5<https://alastairadversaria.wordpress.com/2012/01/15/summary-of-edwin-friedmans-a-failure-of-nerve-part-5/>,
 Part 
6<https://alastairadversaria.wordpress.com/2012/01/16/summary-of-edwin-friedmans-a-failure-of-nerve-part-6/>

The Fallacy of Empathy


Friedman now proceeds to take aim at the ‘fallacy of empathy’. He observes the 
way in which the political rhetoric of sensitivity can hijack agendas. We 
should not be held responsible for the feelings of others who lack the ability 
to distinguish between feelings and opinions and between a sense of offense and 
actual harm. ‘Dialogue is only possible when we can learn to distinguish 
feelings from opinions and recognize that the background or personality of a 
person is totally irrelevant to the validity of what he or she is saying’ (133).

Empathy is a concept that seems laudable and desirable. However, Friedman 
believes that it commonly serves as ‘a disguise for anxiety, a rationalization 
for the failure to define a position, and a power tool in the hands of the 
“sensitive”.’ Those who are most inclined to use the concept of empathy are 
people who feel powerless, and want to ‘use the togetherness force of a 
regressed society to get those whom they perceive to have power to adapt to 
them.’ Much of the power of this approach results from the failure of nerve 
among leaders. However, the focus on ‘understanding’ or feeling with other 
people can be no less invasive than more coercive approaches. We should rather 
be focusing upon responsibility over empathy.


In any relational system, disintegrating and un-self-regulating forces or 
elements are invariably unresponsive to empathy. By their very nature they are 
all take and no give. In trying to show empathy in such a context, we are 
making much the same mistake as Chamberlain made with Hitler: one should not 
try to be reasonable with a virus. In a similar manner, we should not allow our 
societies or families to become adapted to their least mature or most 
dysfunctional members. In the face of such persons, the ‘self-regulation’ of 
the leader, whereby they focus on their own needs and those of the group that 
they lead, should enable them to resist the temptation to meet such persons 
halfway (and are such un-self-regulated persons ever satisfied with that?). 
Feeling for others is quite a liability in such cases, causing leaders to lose 
their nerve.


The alternative to the empathy approach is one of ‘promoting responsibility for 
self in another through challenge’ (135). By focusing upon showing empathy for 
others rather than being responsible for our own integrity, we can actually 
decrease other people’s pain thresholds, ‘helping them to avoid challenge and 
compromising the mobilization of their “nerve”.’ The more empathic we are, the 
more that we discourage responsibility and growth to maturity.


Friedman believes that the increased popularity of empathy in recent decades is 
in large measure a symptom of the ‘herding/togetherness force characteristic of 
an anxious society’ (136). While feeling for, caring for, and identifying with 
others are essential components in the leader’s relationship to others, these 
things will not themselves encourage people to become more self-aware, 
responsible, self-regulating, or mature.


Empathy is in many respects a ‘luxury afforded only to those who do not have to 
make tough decisions’ (137). Tough decisions are almost invariably decisions 
whose consequences are painful to others (which should not be confused with 
their being harmful to others), decisions that are made with the recognition 
that what people need is not to be confused with what they want or feel that 
they need. Empathy can only be afforded when leaders have successfully resisted 
the invasive character of factions that would derail necessary change, and have 
regulated systemic anxiety. ‘The kind of “sensitivity” that leaders most 
require is a sensitivity to the degree of chronic anxiety and the lack of 
self-differentiation in the system that surrounds them.’



Destructive Entities

The key feature that all entities that are destructive to other entities share 
in common is their inability to self-regulate. Un-self-regulating entities will 
constantly be invading the space of others. They lack the capacity to learn 
from experience.


Friedman illustrates his point using the examples of viruses and malignant 
cells. Viruses can change, but they cannot ‘evolve’. They have no ‘self’. 
Malignant cells do not properly self-differentiate, they form 
un-self-regulating colonies, they are unconnected with and uninfluenced by 
others, they reproduce uncontrollable, without subordinating reproduction to a 
higher purpose, and they don’t know when to quit. The ‘selfishness’ of such 
cells has to do with a lack of self.


Certain human beings and factions in society can function in the same way. 
Lacking self-regulation and a ‘nucleus’ they act in a purely reactive, rather 
than ‘inner-directed’ fashion (142). They are incapable of modifying their 
behaviour and are purely parasitic, drawing energy from others, rather than 
their own resources, unable or unprepared to form mutualistic arrangements. 
Unless such persons are resisted, they will contaminate the entire organism in 
which they exist.


Applying this to the case of parenting, Friedman suggests that, faced with the 
unregulated child, parents are far better off resisting the urge to focus on 
techniques (e.g. empathy, tough love) to modify the child, and concern 
themselves more with developing an immune response, concentrating on their own 
integrity, and not allowing the unruly child to set the agenda. As long as a 
parent is focused on modifying the unruly child, it will sap their stamina. 
However, when parents refocus upon their own welfare, their stamina will 
increase.

Nurturing growth always follows two principles. One is: Stay out of its way; 
you cannot “grow” another by will or technique. But the second is: Do not let 
it “overgrow” you. (144)

When parents learn to self-differentiate from their children in such a manner, 
the children themselves learn to self-differentiate. Until the parent learns to 
self-differentiate, the child is unlikely to.



Malignant Members of Institutions

Friedman lists some of the characteristics of ‘malignant’ members of 
institutions. They are ‘injustice-collectors’ who are ‘given to victim 
attitudes’ (he suggests that it is ‘as if they had no outer membrane to ensure 
their integrity’). They ‘idolize’ or ‘crucify’ their leaders. They do not see 
themselves as destructive, in fact they can articulate their position in the 
most compelling and moving of terms; their destructivity is ‘rather a byproduct 
of their doing what comes naturally’ (145). They have a primitive and binary 
‘repertoire of responses’, which is unable to tolerate difference or dissent. 
They focus on procedure and the content of issues in a manner blind to the 
underlying emotional processes. Light and truth is toxic to them: they thrive 
in the ‘darkness of conspiracy’. They are highly reactive, narrowly responsive, 
and deadly serious. Lacking self-regulation, they ‘ooze into’, interfere, 
infect, or invade relationships between others. They easily fuse into an 
undifferentiated mass. They are relentless. It is not the presence of a 
characteristic that makes them so relentless, but the absence of 
self-regulation, which is why battles of will will generally be fought in vain. 
They never mature or grow, they only get larger.


Such persons, however, ‘only have power in the face of a failed immune response 
in the body politic’ (146). Empathy won’t change them. They must be taught 
that, if they want to be part of the community, they must adapt to it, rather 
than it adapting to them. They need to learn to be self-regulating and 
accountable, and our attempts to be empathic achieve little in this regard. 
This isn’t about dictatorial imposition of opinions, but about expecting a 
‘conformity of behavior to the democratic process’ (147).


The totalitarian nation exhibits these characteristics on a larger level. It 
invades the space of its citizens, and the space of other nations. These two 
things are connected by the absence of self-regulation, and 
self-differentiation. One should not believe that either reason or empathy will 
stop a nation constitutionally incapable of self-regulation. History repeatedly 
illustrates that sensitive and understanding approaches fail to stave off war 
with such nations.


Democracies and the peace-loving often allow such forces to get their way as 
they cannot muster the will and stamina to resist them. The same can be seen in 
many families and institutions, where persistent troublemakers, disruptive, or 
invasive elements start to set the agenda, because no one has the capacity to 
stand up to them. It is crucial that we remember that such elements are 
incapable of creating pathology on their own: there also must be a lack of 
self-regulation on the part of the host.



Surviving in a Hostile Environment

The task of the leader is to be the immune system within the institution, 
through their ‘non-anxious, self-defined presence’ (151). This is not about 
mere ‘self-defense or hawkish retaliation’: the leader ensures the integrity of 
the institution against attack.


When it comes to a crisis situation, chances of survival are far greater when 
we have imaginative horizons that go far beyond our immediate ones. In fact, 
our very perception of being in crisis may often be in large measure dependent 
upon the breadth of our imaginative horizons. In any crisis situation, the 
three key factors are the physical reality, dumb luck, and the response of the 
organism, which can often affect the level of influence of the other two (154). 
When anxiety is high, whether in an individual or a society, almost all 
attention will become fixed on the first two factors and the possibility of 
addressing problems by modifying the organism’s own response will be neglected.


There are a number of ways in which an organism’s (whether a natural system, a 
person, a society, or institution) response can avert or overcome such a crisis 
situation. First, the organism can mobilize its resources of resiliency, hope, 
determination, and self-regulation. Second, the organism can transform itself 
to increase its capacity to deal with crisis. Third, the organism can modify 
the ‘toxicity of the environment’ by, for instance, lowering the levels of 
anxiety through a non-reactive, self-regulating response.


However, changes to the environment alone are unlikely to produce lasting 
changes without a change in the response of organisms. In society this means 
that equal rights and opportunities, or allocation of resources alone cannot be 
the solution to social ills. Of themselves they are not sufficient to produce 
maturity. We should also recognize the possibility that an entire system may be 
adapting for the better, even though the ‘toxicity of the environment’ may 
temporarily be increasing.


Leaders need to stay in touch with reactive groups, without allowing the issues 
of such groups to throw them off course. Their increased differentiation can be 
the means to get others to adapt to their self-regulation, helping the entire 
group to grow. When we focus primarily upon empathy, pathology, and pain, such 
possibilities aren’t adequately recognized. Empathic approaches are unable ‘to 
help people to mature and make more responsibility for their own emotional 
being and destiny’ (157).



Comments

The following are a few thoughts that arise from my reading of this section of 
Friedman, which probably contains some of his most controversial points.


First, it seems to me that Friedman’s work has considerably relevance to the 
area of discourse between people of differing theological parties and to 
dialogue between Christians and non-Christians. If Christians can often be 
characterized by a pathological reactivity and invasiveness in their discourse 
with those that differ from them, the solution is not necessarily to be found 
in greater empathy with opposing opinions, or in a capitulation to 
sensitivities that close down all challenging discourse. Rather, our approach 
should be one of self-differentiation and self-regulation, in which we take 
responsibility for our own feelings and develop thicker skins. It must also 
involve a far higher pain threshold for the offense of others, and refusing to 
give ground to those who want to reorganize public discourse around people’s 
sensitivities (whether those sensitivities belong to Christians or 
non-Christians). This is the only way that the ‘integrity’ of our discourse (in 
the fullest sense of that term) can be maintained.


While some characterize this in terms of our right to ‘insult’ and be insulted, 
this is a serious misnomer. Insulting others – taking direct aim at their 
sensitivities – is a reactive form of behaviour, a behaviour in which 
self-differentiated people do not typically engage. Self-differentiated 
persons, while seeking to speak the truth, will not do so in a manner that is 
invasive. They do not seek to offend, even though they sometimes will, but to 
speak the truth (the reactive person, although they may claim that this is true 
of them, will always tend to ‘speak the truth’ offensively as they cannot abide 
the proximity of difference). Their discourse is not reactive, locked with the 
feelings of the other party, whether through excessive empathy or through a 
blind and mimetic antagonism. Through their separation of their feelings from 
those of the other party, the anxiety levels in discourse decrease 
significantly and debates don’t become heated in the same way (when is the last 
time that you changed someone’s mind through an argument?). Strong ideological 
differences no longer function as, and are no longer experienced as a personal 
attack.


Secondly, if evangelical approaches to evangelism and relationships with the 
world tend to risk being reactive and invasive, liberal and post-evangelical 
approaches in this area are frequently characterized by a dangerous 
sensitivity. This sensitivity produces a loss of theological nerve and a 
compromising of orthodoxy to make it more palatable to people who would never 
‘adapt’ to it. The false assumption is that people will come around to the 
gospel the more that it adapts to them. Of course, if people ever do ‘come 
around’ under such circumstances, it tends to be to a gospel that hardly means 
anything any longer. Rather than being a non-anxious presence in society, 
facing the world with the challenge of the call of Christ, the Church adapts to 
its context, and nothing changes. A primary focus upon reasoning or empathizing 
with the world will always tend towards a compromising the integrity of the 
Church and its message. On account of its low threshold for the pain and 
offense of others, liberal Christianity has always struggled to maintain 
integrity in its faith, and has always been vulnerable to the false 
guilt-manipulation and rights-driven discourse that encourages the spread of 
un-self-regulated parties.


Thirdly, it is worth remembering how frequently a high threshold for the pain 
and offense of others is treated as a qualifying mark of biblical leadership. 
God’s criticisms of poor leaders often focuses on their low pain threshold for 
the sensitivities, offense, and suffering of others when decisive action needed 
to be taken for the sake of the integrity of the nation. We can think of Eli’s 
failure to discipline his sons, Saul’s failure to kill Agag, Aaron’s failure to 
stand up to the nation in the golden calf incident, etc. Conversely, the 
actions by which people were set apart or marked out for rule were frequently 
ones where they exhibited a high pain threshold for the suffering or offense of 
others when decisive action was needed to maintain the integrity of the people 
of God (Phinehas killing the Midianite and the Israelite, the Levites slaying 
3,000 of their Israelite brethren, Moses killing the Egyptian, etc.). Such 
leaders were not devoid of pity and concern for the people of God – quite the 
opposite! – but they had very high pain thresholds when decisive action was 
required for their health.


Finally, I believe that Friedman presents us with important insights for 
helping people in need in our communities and elsewhere. While his approach 
might sound cold and callous, I don’t believe that it is. Friedman believes 
that sensitivity to others and concern for them is very important. His point, 
however, is that this cannot stop malignant and invasive elements, nor can they 
produce maturity in others. Consequently, well-meaning approaches driven 
primarily by empathy risk sustaining and metastasizing the very problems that 
they seek to address.


Many approaches to poverty encourage the spread of the characteristics of the 
un-self-regulated mindset mentioned above. Such approaches are focused upon 
pathology and weakness. Dysfunctional persons, driven purely by a sense of 
entitlement, expect society to adapt to them. Sensitive liberals, who have an 
extremely low pain threshold for people suffering the consequences of their 
actions, produce a leadership without nerve. Consequently, rather than 
empowering and encouraging responsibility, and taking an uncompromising line 
with pathological, parasitic, and malignant elements of society, 
irresponsibility, dependency, and blame displacement are encouraged. It isn’t 
hard to see, if you are looking, that, far from fostering responsibility and 
maturity, such methods lead to its opposite and destroy the immune system and 
self-regulating capacity of portions of society that most rely upon it (this is 
why I am always heartened to hear of churches that provide alternatives to 
welfare, which are geared to empower people to become self-regulating, rather 
than dependent upon the state).


I believe that an alternative approach would focus more upon the strengths of 
those in need in society, rather than their pathologies, and upon their 
capacity for self-differentiating and self-regulating action. It seems to me 
that this is a wonderful 
example<http://opinionator.blogs.nytimes.com/2011/07/14/out-of-poverty-family-style/>
 of the sort of approach that Friedman’s insights would encourage. Rather than 
underwriting pathologies, resources would be channelled towards the strengths 
whereby communities will be able to address and overcome their pathologies. In 
many respects the greatest challenge of such an approach would be that of 
maintaining society’s nerve in the face of malignant elements, which refuse to 
be self-regulating. The goal would be that of creating a society in which 
self-regulation and responsibility would be an attainable prospect for everyone 
within it, in which no one lacks the means by which to take charge of their 
life (this most definitely would not do away with the need for a social safety 
net).



________________________________


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