I’m willing to believe he aspires to that. But I don’t think he can pull it 
off, for all the reasons the article mentions:

> I’ll be curious to see if it’s possible to create millions of manufacturing 
> jobs — or if technology means there’s only a need for relatively few workers. 
> I’ll be curious to see if he can tamp down the Democratic media and activist 
> wings, with their penchant for wildly unpopular moral gestures like “defund 
> the police” and “decriminalize the border.”

Opinion | President Biden’s First Day
https://www.nytimes.com/2020/07/16/opinion/biden-2020.html
(via Instapaper)

President Biden’s First Day

Imagining Jan. 20, 2021.


Opinion Columnist

The first thing you’ll notice is the quiet. If Joe Biden wins this thing, there 
will be no disgraceful presidential tweets and no furious cable segments 
reacting to them on Inauguration Day.

Donald Trump himself may fume, but hated and alone. The opportunists who make 
up his administration will abandon him. Republicans will pretend they never 
heard his name. Republican politicians are not going to hang around a guy they 
privately hate and who publicly destroyed their majority.

But there will be a larger quiet, too. For two decades American politics has 
centered on a bitter culture war between the white working-class heartland and 
university-bred coastal elites.

Bill Clinton, Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton were all emblems of this 
university class, and it was easy for the Republican media wing to gin up 
resentment against them. In 2016, Trump beat Clinton among the white working 
class by a crushing 28 points.

But Biden is not an emblem of this coastal elite. His sensibility was nurtured 
by his working-class family during the postwar industrial boom of the 1950s and 
1960s. He graduated from the University of Delaware in 1965 and missed the late 
1960s culture war that divided a generation.

It’s very hard for conservatives to demonize Biden because he comes from the 
sort of background that Trumpian conservatives celebrate. He elides all the 
culture war divides. He doesn’t act superior to the “deplorables,” because his 
family taught him to despise status games of all sorts.

It will become immediately clear that in a Biden era politics will shrink back 
down to normal size. It will be about government programs, not epic wars about 
why my sort of people are morally superior to your sort of people. In the Trump 
era a lot of people who don’t care about government got manic about politics.

It will also become immediately clear that in a highly ideological age, America 
will be led by a man who is not ideological.

This week a few of us columnist types spoke with Biden about his economic 
plans. His most telling sentence was, “I’ve kind of tried to shed the labels 
and focus on the nuts and bolts of this.”

I asked him to describe the big forces that have flattened working-class wages 
over the past decades. Other people would have spun grand theories about broken 
capitalism or the rise of the corporate oligarchy. But Biden pointed to two 
institutional failures — the way Republicans have decentralized power and 
broken Washington and the way Wall Street forces business leaders to focus 
obsessively on the short term.

Biden’s worldview seems to come mainly from lived experience, not a manifesto 
somewhere. He has lived experience of a time when there were good manufacturing 
jobs, when unions protected workers, when the less affluent had a ladder to 
climb.

His economic agenda, promoted under the slogan “Build Back Better,” is about 
that, not some vast effort to remake capitalism or build a Nordic-style welfare 
system. The agenda is more New Deal than New Left.

In the two speeches he has delivered so far there are constant references to 
our manufacturing base — infrastructure, steelworkers, engineers, ironworkers, 
welders, 500,000 charging stations for electric cars. “When I think of climate 
change, the word I think of is jobs,” he declared.

The agenda pushes enormous resources toward two groups: first, 
African-Americans, who have been pummeled by deindustrialization for decades; 
and second, white working-class Trump voters. This looks like an attempt to 
rebuild the New Deal coalition and win back the white working class who should 
be a core of the Democratic base. Biden’s populist “Buy American” messaging is 
just icing on that cake.

Can he pull off this manufacturing revival and this political realignment?

I’ll be curious to see if it’s possible to create millions of manufacturing 
jobs — or if technology means there’s only a need for relatively few workers. 
I’ll be curious to see if he can tamp down the Democratic media and activist 
wings, with their penchant for wildly unpopular moral gestures like “defund the 
police” and “decriminalize the border.”

I wonder if the economic crisis will obviate all this. With mass unemployment 
the need will be to get money out the door immediately on Day 1. Launching 
infrastructure projects and clean energy industries takes a lot of time.

But I do know that if he can win a chunk of the white working class (44 percent 
of the electorate, according to Ruy Teixeira), he will realign American 
politics. I also know that from that first day the Biden agenda will put the 
surviving Republicans in Congress in an awful bind. Do they cooperate and work 
with Biden’s infrastructure and manufacturing plans? If they oppose him they 
give him a clear shot to win their voters while also inviting him to end the 
filibuster.

Everybody says Biden is a moderate, and in intellectual and temperamental terms 
that is true. But he has found a way to craft an agenda that could reshape the 
American economy and the landscape of American politics in fundamental ways.

Joe Biden may turn out to be what radical centrism looks like.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d 
like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some 
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