WELCOME TO IWPR'S REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA, No. 595 Part 2, November 20, 2009
SPECIAL REPORT IS UZBEK GUERRILLA FORCE PLANNING HOMECOMING? Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan has relocated next door to Tajikistan, but analysts doubt it will move back into Central Asia. By Ainagul Abdrakhmanova, Aida Kasymalieva, Inga Sikorskaya, and Anara Yusupova in Bishkek, and Lola Olimova and ?rdasher Tahamtan in Dushanbe SHOULD CENTRAL ASIA FEAR TALEBAN SPILLOVER? Upsurge in militant activity in Central Asia will be contained, although security should be stepped up in border areas. By Sanobar Shermatova in Moscow **** NEW ************************************************************************************ VIDEOS OF THE 2009 KURT SCHORK AWARDS CEREMONY http://iwpr.net/kurtschork09 VACANCIES AVAILABLE http://iwpr.net/vacancies CENTRAL ASIA HUMAN RIGHTS REPORTING PROJECT http://iwpr.net/centralasiahumanrights **** IWPR RESOURCES ****************************************************************** CENTRAL ASIA RADIO: http://iwpr.net/centralasiaradio CENTRAL ASIA PROGRAMME HOME: http://iwpr.net/centralasia IWPR COMMENT: http://iwpr.net/comment SAHAR JOURNALISTS ASSISTANCE FUND: http://iwpr.net/sahar BECOME A FAN OF IWPR ON FACEBOOK http://facebook.com/InstituteforWarandPeaceReporting FOLLOW US ON TWITTER http://twitter.com/iwpr **** www.iwpr.net ******************************************************************** REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA RSS: http://www.iwpr.net/en/rca/rss.xml RECEIVE FROM IWPR: Readers are urged to subscribe to IWPR's full range of free electronic publications at: http://iwpr.net/subscribe GIVE TO IWPR: IWPR is wholly dependent upon grants and donations. For more information about how you can support IWPR go to: http://iwpr.net/donate **** www.iwpr.net ******************************************************************** SPECIAL REPORT IS UZBEK GUERRILLA FORCE PLANNING HOMECOMING? Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan has relocated next door to Tajikistan, but analysts doubt it will move back into Central Asia. By Ainagul Abdrakhmanova, Aida Kasymalieva, Inga Sikorskaya, and Anara Yusupova in Bishkek, and Lola Olimova and ?rdasher Tahamtan in Dushanbe Central Asias most feared Islamic group is back in the news, with reports that it has regrouped in northern Afghanistan close to the border with Tajikistan. At first sight, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, IMU, looks positioned to mount a repeat of the incursions it mounted in Kyrgyzstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan a decade ago, especially as a string of armed attacks were reported over the summer. Despite the reported death of its leader Tohir Yoldash, the IMU still seems to be a cohesive military force with a radical Islamist agenda. With powerful alliances with the Taleban and al-Qaeda, it could in theory pose a serious security threat to the former Soviet states of Central Asia. When IWPR reporters questioned security experts in the region, they agreed that sporadic outbreaks of violence in Uzbekistan and Tajikistan, in particular, make the threat of renewed insurgent activity possible. But they said that for the moment, this would not be on a scale that Central Asian governments could not handle, and the IMU lacked a substantial following in the region. If Yoldash is indeed dead which a recent report throws into some doubt there are questions about whether the IMU will survive in its present form under a new leader or break up into smaller factions. Some experts also suggest that the group has relocated to Afghanistan not entirely by choice, but because the combination of a major Pakistani ground offensive and United States unmanned planes on a mission to pick off al-Qaedas top men is making their stay in South Waziristan untenable. UZBEK MILITANTS ON THE MOVE This autumn, Afghan officials have expressed repeated concern that the Taleban are shifting forces to the north of the country. Talking to journalists on September 23, Afghan General Mustafa Patang said hundreds of militants had arrived in the north. IMU forces are part of this flow, and many seem to have turned up in Kunduz province, which adjoins Tajikistan, although they have also been sighted in other northern provinces. (See IWPRs report on this: Could IMU Chief's Death Curb Rebel Force in Afghanistan?, ARR No. 340, 07-Oct-09.) Tohir Yoldashs men have come to northern Afghanistan and have caused much of our recent insecurity, General Khalilullah Aminzada, security chief of Jowzjan province in the northwest, told IWPR reporters in Afghanistan earlier this autumn. Sanobar Shermatova, a Moscow-based Central Asia analyst, has argued in an article entitled Should Central Asia Fear Taleban Spillover? that on the one hand, the Uzbek militants have moved because their stronghold in South Waziristan is no longer a safe haven; and on the other, that they have been assigned Kunduz as their area of operation since they are familiar with the territory. The aim, she argues, may be to disrupt the new northern supply route now being used by NATO and Coalition forces in Afghanistan, after Central Asian governments offered routes through their territory. Abdughani Mamadazimov, who heads the National Association of Political Scientists of Tajikistan, agrees that the IMU is under increasing pressure in Pakistan, not only from government troops and US air strikes, and points out that some local Pashtun tribal leaders are hostile to what they regard as an alien presence on their territory. There have been reports in recent years that Uzbek militants have sided with their protector Baitullah Mehsud in fighting with rival Pashtun tribal groups. Mamadazimov likened the IMU to a wounded beast pursued by hunters and forced to become agile and flexible, changing location frequently. FROM UZBEKISTAN TO WAZIRISTAN The seeds of the IMU grew in Uzbekistans Fergana Valley in the early Nineties, when Yoldash was a leading figure in an Islamic group called Adolat based in the city of Namangan in Fergana Valley. A crackdown ordered by President Islam Karimov forced members to flee the country, and many became caught up in a civil war in neighbouring Tajikistan, where they fought alongside Islamist forces against the government, with Jumaboy Khojaev, otherwise known as Juma Namangani, as their military commander. It was after the Tajik conflict ended in 1997 that the IMU emerged as a distinct force whose agenda was to topple secular governments in Central Asian states, first and foremost in its homeland Uzbekistan. To this end, IMU guerrillas launched a series of raids into Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan in 1999 and 2000. These attacks made international headlines and alerted regional governments to shortcomings in their security forces, but did not pose an existential threat to these states. By this time, with bases in Afghanistan, the group had formed an alliance with that countrys Taleban rulers, and when the US-led Coalition arrived in late 2001, the IMU put up resistance in Kunduz. Namangani was killed, and the survivors escaped to Pakistans lawless fringes Yoldash, who had played more of an ideological role while Namangani led the troops, now stepped in as overall leader. According to Shermatova, the high casualties the IMU sustained in Kunduz led Yoldash to announce a change in strategy. Shifting from a specifically Central Asian focus, the IMU joined the global jihad against the West, she said. In South Waziristan, the tribal agency where it remained until recent months, the IMU reportedly maintained close ties with Baitullah Mehsud, the Pakistani Taleban leader killed by a US rocket in early August. The IMU has preserved its distinctive Uzbek identity, producing propaganda videos and speeches by Yoldash which mix global jihadi rhetoric with Central Asia-specific content. These days, though, it is hard to say how many IMU members are actually from Uzbekistan. Andrei Grozin, director of the Central Asian department at the Commonwealth of Independent States Institute in Moscow, believes the IMU is no longer the purely Uzbek organisation it once was, but instead a large organised group of foreign mercenaries. It is mainly a tool that is used by the leadership of other organisations like the Taleban and al-Qaeda, he said. UNCERTAIN FUTURE The IMUs future was cast into doubt by reports that Yoldash had been wounded in a US rocket on August 27 and died shortly afterwards. Pakistani intelligence sources confirmed his death, and it appeared that, like his ally Baitullah Mehsud, killed in a similar manner earlier that month, the IMU leader actually was dead. However, reports have now appeared that Yoldash has surfaced. The Washington-based Middle East Media Research Institute said on November 16 that the IMU had released a propaganda video that included a talk by Yoldash. It remains unclear whether the footage offers clues as to whether it really is new. Although an IMU spokesman denied reports of Yoldashs death soon after they first appeared in September, this is the first time since then that a purported statement from the leader himself has appeared. Orozbek Moldaliev, who heads Religion, Politics and Security, a think-tank in Kyrgyzstan, believes Yoldash will be hard to replace. He devoted 21 years to this movement. He and Juma Namangani complemented one another well, said Moldaliev. After his death, there will be a leadership struggle, and this far it is not clear whether it will lead to a split, or whether someone will be able to keep the movement together. According to Miroslav Niazov, former secretary of the Kyrgyz Security Council, Yoldash was an extraordinarily influential figure who commanded authority and was able to gather forces and like-minded people around him to make a serious impact on the Central Asian region. Tashpulat Yoldashev, an Uzbek political analyst now living abroad, predicts that internal divisions will cause the IMU to fall into several parts, but he added that its sponsors those who provide funding for groups of this kind would prevent it from disappearing. If it wanted to refocus its energies on Central Asia, the IMU would be hard pushed to recruit support, as it has little support on the ground, analysts say. Marat Mamadshoev, editor-in-chief of the Asia Plus newspaper in Tajikistan, believes the groups influence is over-estimated. The IMU doesnt currently pose a real thereat to the regions security, he said The authoritarian regimes that dominate the region do not have broad-based public support, but neither does the IMU in Uzbekistan, except in a few areas. Nematullo Mirsaidov, chief editor of the Tretyi Vzglyad newspaper based in Isfara in northern Tajikistan, is similarly dismissive. Aside from carrying out terrorist attacks, it is incapable of doing anything more substantial, something that would alter the public mood, he said. UPSURGE IN VIOLENCE, BUT STILL LOCALISED Militant groups are active in Central Asia, albeit on a small scale. Over the spring and summer, an armed group believed to consist of militants previously based in Pakistan established itself in the eastern mountains of Tajikistan. It was dispersed after some skirmishes with government security forces.(For reports on these incursions, read Chasing Phantoms in the Tajik Mountains and Taming Tajikistans Eastern Valleys. Officials identified some of the militants involved as having IMU links, and last month they reported that police had killed four suspected IMU members and arrested one. In the south of Kyrgyzstan, there were also sporadic clashes between militants and the security forces. (See Upsurge in Militant Presence in Kyrgyzstan, from July.) In October, Kyrgyz border guards were fired on by unidentified armed men trying to cross over from Tajikistan. In Uzbekistan, a series of attacks appeared to target police as representatives of the state. In late May, a police checkpoint on the outskirts of Khanabad, near the city of Andijan, came under attack. A policeman and one of the attackers were wounded in the exchange of fire, according to the Uzbek prosecutors office. The next day, a suicide bomber killed himself and a policeman in Andijan itself. In August the deputy head of the interior ministrys counter-terrorism department, Colonel Hasan Asadov, was killed. Two Muslim clerics were attacked in July in apparently related incidents Abror Abrorov, deputy head of the Kukeldash madrassa in Tashkent was murdered, and the capitals chief imam or mosque leader, Anvar-Qori Tursunov, was the target of a failed assassination attempt. It seems most likely that both clerics were singled out by militants for being too close to government and for preaching against radicalism. At the end of August, security forces conducting a sweep in the capital Tashkent cornered a group of armed men and engaged them in a sustained gunbattle, killing two or three of them, according to various reports. The question now being asked is whether these attacks were coordinated, and masterminded by the IMU as a precursor to a larger incursion. Mirsaidov believes that might be the case. Its most likely that all these incidents were elements of an operation designed to test the authorities military strength and the popular mood, he said. If the outcome had been successful, there might have been incursions by more substantial forces. Its no coincidence that the clashes happened in those areas where militants would be able to enter [from Afghanistan], and where the local population might have been supportive. But it didnt come off. Others are less certain that the IMU or allied groups have a grand plan. The acts of terrorism taking place here [in Central Asia generally] are largely spontaneous, said Mamadshoev. Theres no unified leadership, and frankly I dont see any kind of logic to them. ARE OTHER GROUPS INVOLVED? If it is the case, as many analysts interviewed for this report suggest, that the IMU is not the driving force behind sporadic militant attacks in the Central Asian states, could other groups with a stronger presence on the ground be playing a part? Within Central Asia, officials often accuse Hizb ut-Tahrir of complicity in violent incidents. This group has a radical agenda replacing secular governments with an Islamic state but always insists it is against violence. Many analysts say there is little hard evidence to connect Hizb ut-Tahrir with armed attacks in the region, although one of those interviewed, Mirsaidov, said it was possible that the group has renounced non-violent struggle [and] its members may be behind the attacks on law-enforcement agencies. (For a report from April on Hizb ut-Tahrir in Kyrgyzstan, see Kyrgyzstan: Does Tough Policing Spell End of Islamic Radicalism?) Moldaliev argues that a distinction should be made between movements like Hizb ut-Tahrir which seek to recruit as large a following as possible, and armed groups like the IMU which espouse violence and maintain a smaller but more committed membership. Shermatova believes it highly unlikely that Hizb ut-Tahrir or Tablighi Jamaat, a prosyletising group now active in Central Asia, are involved in violence, even if officials sometimes level that accusation against them. At the same time, she said, organisations preaching radical Islam may provide militants with a recruiting ground. The authorities suspect that they supply members for more radical groups. Experts believe that some members of these non-jihadi religious groups go off and join armed groups under the influence of preachers, she said. Another possible suspect is the Islamic Jihad Group, which split off from the IMU in Pakistan after an apparent disagreement over strategy. Vitaly Ponomarev, a Central Asia expert with the Moscow-based Human Rights group Memorial, points out that although information about the Islamic Jihad Group remains sketchy, it has claimed responsibility for previous violence in Uzbekistan. It is more secretive than the IMU, but that is no reason to ignore it completely, especially now that theres sufficient evidence to say it is becoming more active in Central Asia, said Ponomarev. Assessments of the IMUs role and influence are complicated by the tendency for Central Asian governments to blame it for violence in the region, even when evidence for this is thin on the ground. Analysts advise treating such claims with caution. Moldaliev said it was common practice for investigators to cite both the IMU and Hizb ut-Tahrir as culprits after attacks took place. Given that investigations are kept under wraps and given the nature of legal practice generally in Central Asia, its difficult to establish IMU complicity, he said. Theres always a temptation to exaggerate the threat a bit, especially when [law enforcement] budgets are under review. According to Uzbek political analyst Yoldashev, It plays into the hands of Central Asian governments to position themselves as the victims of Islamic extremism and terrorism, and to blame innocent people with the aim of obtaining more assistance from the US and European Union and of justifying repressive policies. RISKS FROM LOCAL GRIEVANCES, NOT GLOBAL JIHAD Niazov, the former secretary of Kyrgyzstans Security Council, believes the IMU still has some life left in it. It isnt about how numerous the IMU is, but rather about what kind of support it has, he said. Niazov said that while Islamic groups were not in a position to mount a serious military threat to Central Asian states, the danger was that other factors would come together to create instability which they could then take advantage of. The conditions would have to be right for it, he explained. But the conditions are there for a social upheaval disputes over water, land and borders, fast-rising prices and low wages, unemployment and migration. These small and disparate point of tension could become systemic and grow into one cohesive whole. So one cannot say that these [radical Islamic] forces will spark an upheaval, but they could exploit the unfavourable situation in the region to take charge of that upheaval. To defuse the risks of widespread violence led by radicals like the IMU, Shermatova believes Central Asian governments should adopt a mix of security and social policies. Counter-insurgency tactics might include better border controls to stop people bribing their way across, while offering an amnesty to militants who return from Afghanistan and Pakistan might have a positive effect, she said. But governments must also tackle the social and economic problems that drive people towards extremist views . Just one step clearing away corruption and bureaucracy so as to allow small businesses to take off and thrive would be revolutionary in its effects, Shermatova said. Poverty gives rise to discontent and encourages the search for political methods of changing society, she added. Ainagul Abdrakhmanova and Anara Yusupova (a pseudonym) are IWPR-trained reporters in Kyrgyzstan; Aida Kasymalieva and Inga Sikorskaya are IWPR editors based in Bishkek. Lola Olimova is an IWPR editor in Dushanbe and ?rdasher Tahamtan is the pseudonym of a journalist in Tajikistan. SHOULD CENTRAL ASIA FEAR TALEBAN SPILLOVER? Upsurge in militant activity in Central Asia will be contained, although security should be stepped up in border areas. By Sanobar Shermatova in Moscow In the eight years the United States-led Coalition has been in action in Afghanistan, the northern provinces have remained largely calm until recently, that is. Taleban attacks focused on southern Afghanistan, and the overland routes via which Coalition forces brought in fuel and ammunition from Pakistan. There was never a hint of a Taleban threat to Coalition airbases in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan, or to the airfield in Tajikistan used by the French. The decision by Central Asian states to allow their territories to be used to bring in military freight into Afghanistan via the northern route changes things dramatically. The new supply line carries with it the risk that the Central Asian region could be dragged into the Afghan conflict. This danger was highlighted in stark terms in September, when the Taleban stepped up their activities in Kunduz province, a region close to Tajikistan which is controlled by German troops in the NATO force and which until this year was quiet. When the Taleban seized two fuel tankers in Kunduz in early September, NATO responded with an air strike that resulted in a number of civilian deaths, causing an international crisis. Attacks on German military vehicles have also been reported in the region. Afghan officials say Taleban activity in Kunduz has also involved non-Afghan militants of Central Asian origin. One senior commander, General Mustafa Patang, told journalists on September 12 that hundreds of militants had come to northern Afghanistan from the tribal areas of Pakistan. On October 12, President Hamid Karzai confirmed that the Taleban were moving men to the north adding that they were using military helicopters to do so. The bulk of these foreign fighters are assumed to belong to the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, IMU, which was active in Central Asia in the late Nineties before relocating to Afghanistan and then, after 2001, lawless parts of Pakistan. Estimates of their numbers range wildly from a few hundred to 5,000. However, these Central Asian militants are not entirely homogenous. One known group affiliated to the IMU is the Islamic Jihad Union, which has apparent connections with Turkish and Afghan émigrés in Germany. The German police believe the group was planning to bomb airports, restaurants and cafes, an American military base and the Uzbek embassy in that country. The aim was apparently to prompt Germans to call on their government to withdraw troops from Afghanistan and from the military base in the Uzbek border town of Termez. The IMU itself appears to have shifted its priorities from toppling the Uzbek government to the broader international jihad agenda. In practical terms, its focus has been fighting the enemy on its doorstep the Pakistani government. The military has mounted periodic offensives in the tribal areas, and the IMU has fought back on the side of the Pakistani Taleban. The IMU was closely aligned with top militant leader Baitullah Mehsud, killed by a rocket from an unmanned US plane in early August. For its part, the Pakistani army told civilians in the tribal zone that its offensive was not directed against the Pashtun population, but against the foreign militants causing instability in the area. Incessant Taleban attacks on the overland route from Pakistan through the Khyber Pass into Afghanistan have brought a halt to Coalition convoys carrying fuel and munitions. Now that the northern route via Central Asia is being used, it would seem logical from the Talebans perspective to apply pressure here, too. The IMU is an obvious choice for the job many of its fighters spent time in northern Afghanistan in the mid-Nineties when they were part of the Tajik opposition guerrilla movement fighting the government in Dushanbe. The ethnic factor is also important, since this part of Afghanistan is populated by Tajiks and Uzbeks. Effectively, there are three front lines for defending Central Asia against a spillover of the Afghan conflict in the shape of incursions by Taleban-allied militants. Given the arrival of the latter so close to the border, it did not come as a complete surprise when there were sightings of them in Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan this spring and summer. (For reports on these incursions, read Chasing Phantoms in the Tajik Mountains, RCA No. 581, 24-Jun-09; Upsurge in Militant Presence in Kyrgyzstan, RCA No. 582, 03-Jul-09; and Taming Tajikistans Eastern Valleys, RCA No. 584, 23-Jul-09.) The Tajik-Afghan frontier goes through difficult terrain and is porous in parts, allowing drug traffickers and militants to slip across unnoticed. There are mountain pathways providing routes through Tajikistan to Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. The IMU knows the ground well, since its guerrillas used the same routes in 1999 and 2000 to mount raids on Kyrgyz and Uzbek territory. The fact that armed groups appeared in roughly the same areas this year eastern Tajikistan and southern Kyrgyzstan suggests that local law-enforcement is still unable to monitor and intercept suspects using these drug routes. The second defensive line, therefore, runs along Central Asias borders with Afghanistan to reduce opportunities for infiltration. It should be recalled that both the German base in Termez and the French forces in Tajikistan are within easy reach of the border. The third line of defence lies deeper inside Central Asia. Militant groups, for example in Pakistan and the North Caucasus, are quick to adapt and will rapidly extend their attacks to new areas so as to disperse the forces arrayed against them. Weakening the security forces also has the aim of undermining the governments they support. There have been several examples of such targeted attacks in Uzbekistan in recent months. In May, police were targeted in and around the eastern city of Andijan, while in August the deputy head of the interior ministrys counter-terrorism department, Colonel Hasan Asadov, was killed. Two Muslim clerics were attacked around the same time in what seem to have been related incidents. Abror Abrorov, deputy head of the Kukeldash madrassa in Tashkent was murdered in mid-July, and the capitals chief imam or mosque leader, Anvar-Qori Tursunov, was targeted in a failed assassination attempt at the end of the month. It seems most likely that both clerics were singled out by militants for being too close to government and for preaching against radicalism. While attacks on police and clerics are unprecedented in Uzbekistan, they are fairly standard practice in Pakistan and the North Caucasus. It seems reasonable to predict that militants will use these tactics again in the Central Asian context. Yet in contrast to other parts of the world, they will find their room for manoeuvre severely constrained in Central Asia. There are no places of refuge where they can hide out and no stockpiles of arms, and the local population will not supply them with food and intelligence information. The fact that the armed group which tried to establish itself in Tajikistan was eventually confronted and dispersed by government troops shows that there are limits to such insurgent efforts. Assuming that the militants will be unable to start operating deep inside Central Asia, there is thus little chance that these states will become drawn into the conflict with the Taliban and IMU in Afghanistan. It is therefore the defensive lines on either side of the Aghan border that will be decisive. The Coalition members and the Central Asian states are aware of the dangers posed by the Taleban relocating to northern Afghanistan. After security services from Afghanistan, Pakistan, Germany and the Central Asian states gathered in Dushanbe last month, they remained tight-lipped about the outcome, but coping with the new challenge from the northern Taleban must have been at the top of their agenda. Sanobar Shermatova is a Moscow-based expert on Central Asian affairs and sits on the RIA Novosti news agencys advisory council. **** www.iwpr.net ******************************************************************** REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA provides the international community with a unique insiders' perspective on the region. Using our network of local journalists, the service publishes news and analysis from across Central Asia on a weekly basis. The service forms part of IWPR's Central Asia Project based in Almaty, Bishkek, Tashkent and London, which supports media development and encourages better local and international understanding of the region. IWPR's Reporting Central Asia is supported by the UK Community Fund. The service is published online in English and Russian. The opinions expressed in Reporting Central Asia are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent those of the publication or of IWPR. REPORTING CENTRAL ASIA: Editor-in-Chief: Anthony Borden; Managing Editor: Yigal Chazan; Senior Editor and Acting Central Asia Director: John MacLeod; Central Asia Editor: Saule Mukhametrakhimova. IWPR PROJECT DEVELOPMENT AND SUPPORT: Executive Director: Anthony Borden; Head of Programmes: Niall MacKay; Head of Strategy: Mike Day. **** www.iwpr.net ******************************************************************** IWPR is an international network of four organisations which are governed by boards of senior journalists, peace-building experts, regional specialists and business professionals. IWPR builds democracy at the frontlines of conflict and change through the power of professional journalism. IWPR programmes provide intensive hands-on training, extensive reporting and publishing, and ambitious initiatives to build the capacity of local media. Supporting peace-building, development and the rule of law, IWPR gives responsible local media a voice. IWPR - Africa, P.O. Box 3317, Johannesburg 2121 Tel: +2 711 268 6077 IWPR - Europe, 48 Grays Inn Road, London WC1X 8LT, UK Tel: +44 20 7831 1030 IWPR United States, 1325 G Street, NW, Suite 500, Washington, DC 20005, United States Tel: +1 202 449 7717 1515 Broadway, 11th Floor, New York, New York 10036, United States Tel: +1 202 903 1073 Stichting IWPR Nederland, Eisenhowerlaan 77 K, 2517 KK Den Haag, The Netherlands Tel: +31 70 338 9016 For further details on this project and other information services and media programmes, go to: www.iwpr.net ISSN: 1477-7924 Copyright © 2009 The Institute for War & Peace Reporting **** www.iwpr.net ******************************************************************** If you wish to change your subscription details or unsubscribe please go to: http://www.iwpr.net/index.php?apc_state=henh&s=s&m=p This electronic mail message and any attached files are intended solely for the named recipients and may contain confidential and proprietary business information of the Institute for War & Peace Reporting (IWPR) and its affiliates. If you are not the named addressee, you should not disseminate, distribute or copy this e-mail. Institute for War & Peace Reporting. 48 Gray's Inn Road, London WC1X 8LT, UK. Registered with charitable status in the United Kingdom (charity reg. no: 1027201, company reg. no: 2744185); the United States under IRS Section 501(c)(3); The Netherlands as a charitable foundation; and South Africa under Section 21.
