http://www.birn.eu.com/en/82/10/2824/

Comment: Sleeping Rough in the Queen's Gardens


09.05.2007 


A farcical furore over Romanians in London reminds us why restricting labour
migration in a free Europe is wrongheaded
By Adina Postelnicu in London

When Romania and Bulgaria became member states of the European Union in
January, one question loomed large in many minds: would the flood of "Polish
plumbers" into the labour markets of western member states now be
supplemented by a surge of Romanian repairmen and Bulgarian bricklayers?

The answer has not been clear, so far. Gradual news is hard to measure and
awkward to report. With no obvious surge, the question seemed to fade from
public consciousness.

Then one crisp April morning, Daniel, a 23-year-old Romanian, woke up
outdoors in central London. He had spent the night in Hyde Park alongside
fellow migrant labourers, in an encampment partly concealed by trees, he
said. So went the story from BBC's Newsnight, whose report on Romanian
migrants "sleeping rough" invited outrage from viewers.

>From a British perspective, the image of migrants camping illegally in the
park looked like evidence that especially desperate migrants had begun to
arrive.

>From a Romanian perspective, it looked worrying, like a gag to stoke
anti-immigrant paranoia in another western EU country already taking steps
to restrain labour migration from the new EU member states. Britain will
allow no more than 20,000 unskilled Romanian workers to join its registered
workforce this year.

Daniel, Newsnight's interviewee, told Romanian television journalists that
he no longer slept in the park and that he had been paid by the BBC for his
interview. The Romanian chargé d'affaires in London issued a complaint to
the BBC, accusing Newsnight of "stage managing" its report and
"stereotyping" its coverage of Romanians, The Times reported.

The BBC has held its ground, leaving the minor media furore in stalemate.
But whatever the facts of the report, Newsnight did expose a broader truth.
With no published statistics describing post-accession labour migration from
Romania and Bulgaria, countries like Britain are unsure about the scale of
the influx, and they do not like it.

Uncertainty fuels fears of immigration. Even before we can accurately
measure the trend, it is subjected to economically illiterate analysis. A
simplified, adversarial view of labour migration takes just two sides into
account – wealthy hosts and poor beneficiaries.

Sadly, this is the prevailing view. Even with its restrictions, Britain is a
model of economic liberalism compared with most other EU countries on the
issue of labour migration. Europe's protectionists need to learn a few
lessons.

Firstly, income gaps are not all bad. The average Briton earns ten times
more money than the average Romanian. But income disparity does not in
itself generate economic negatives. On the contrary, it can provide
opportunities. Cynical as it may sound, there is always a market for poor
people, and where there is demand for low-wage workers, there will be
supply.

Secondly, material factors are not the only factors at work. An important
one, almost entirely overlooked, is culture. For example, those who have
warned that hundreds of thousands of Romanians will cross the English
Channel overlook the fact that Britain is hardly a natural destination for
Romanians. Romania is a Latin country like Italy and Spain, one big reason
why more than 1.5 million Romanians work there – providing, incidentally,
much-needed support for Spain's economic growth spurt.

Another overlooked factor is relative economic opportunity. On this count,
western countries are no longer the dream destinations they once appeared to
be. Romania's economy has grown rapidly in recent years, faster than 7 per
cent in 2006, and it suffers from a worsening shortage of labour. Indeed,
earlier waves of migration have already reversed course, with workers going
back home to open businesses and cash in.

For many Romanians working abroad, like myself, this trend is seen among
family and friends. For example, after working for a decade in Austria, my
cousin and her family have returned home, building a nicer house than they
could ever have afforded in Austria and opening a small business. Likewise,
a friend who had a well-paid job in the City of London recently moved back
to take a more challenging position, for much lower pay, in Bucharest. There
are many more like these.

The evidence therefore suggests that many Romanians working in Britain will
choose to do so only temporarily, until they put enough money aside to make
a better life for themselves back home.

In addition to grasping factors such as culture, relative economic
opportunity and future mobility, EU countries must come to terms with the
practical economic realities that they will inevitably face, irregardless of
politics and law.

Political rhetoric and market reality do not mix well. Now that Romania and
Bulgaria have joined the EU, their citizens enjoy freedom of movement. By
restricting their work eligibility, EU member states aim to dissuade them
from coming for work. Instead, they keep them from working legally.

In London, where I live and work, a huge gap is seen between the rhetoric of
immigration and the market reality. When we needed an electrician, we chose
between a British contractor and a self-employed Polish one. The former
would have charged us £65 per hour and up to £85 per hour in the evening.
The latter offered to do the job for £50 in the first hour and £15 for every
subsequent hour. The choice is obvious. The Polish guy fixed the lights.

It's capitalism at work, and it reveals questions that those who oppose the
free movement of labour inside the EU should dare to ask. One question is
why the Polish guy is cheaper than the British one, but another is what
stops the British one from competing.

Protectionists can create “havens” for producers at consumers' expense, with
consumers paying for producers' freedom from competition, but market
pressures do not cease. To wish they might is a fool's errand.

And yet this is what some opponents of labour migration preach. Frequently
they have used the argument that a surge in foreign workers will bring a
surge in crime. Not necessarily, British officials acknowledge. But it
certainly shall if work is criminalised, if only because Britons will want
their children minded, gardens tended and plumbing fixed – and cheaply.

What the EU's labour migration debate really reveals is its own
dysfunctional attitude regarding its stated goal and crowning achievement,
the single market. So far only goods can travel freely in the EU. People
can, too, with no questions asked, but not if they work on the way.

In the journal Economic Affairs, W. S. Siebert, professor of labour
economics at the Birmingham University Business School pins the blame on the
EU's "French-style civil code", which boosts working conditions, wages and
collective bargaining power while cutting economic opportunity for outsider
groups.

Indeed the labour migration debate is just one element in a much broader
picture. The EU must face the inconvenient truth that its commitment to an
outdated social model weakens its bid for economic power, globally.
Globalisation is shaking its dear dreams about “social happiness” in a
prosperous society.

In such charged atmosphere, we must hope that the relative poverty of new EU
citizens will not be used to feed the fear of open borders. A genuine and
open dialogue, beyond fear and beyond prejudices, would serve us better.

Adina Postelnicu is a Romanian freelance journalist based in London. Balkan
Insight is BIRN's online publication.

Copyright BIRN 2007 
 
----------------------------
 
Vali
"Noble blood is an accident of fortune; noble actions are the chief mark of
greatness." (Carlo Goldoni)

"When the power of love overcomes the love of power, the world will know
peace." (Jimi Hendrix)

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