This link contains audio clips (RealPlayer) from a 
documentary on William Aberhart in three parts.  In 
part 2 is a dialog with a "Professor Orthodox 
Annonymous" from Aberhart's radio program.  Part 2 
also includes the voice of Earnest Manning.
http://collections.ic.gc.ca/abpolitics/events/party_social.html

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Is anyone familiar with this novel?

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http://collections.ic.gc.ca/abpolitics/legacy/aberhart_summer.html

That Aberhart Summer

By Ken Tingley 

In Alberta, certain provincial elections have assumed 
mythic proportions over the years. This certainly 
holds true for the summer campaign leading to the 
landslide Social Credit victory on August 22, 1935. 
It inspired a novel, a play, and, in 2000, the 
reissue of the novel - a reminder that the fateful 
summer was a turning point in Alberta's history. 

Born in 1925, Bruce Allen Powe was raised in 
southside Edmonton, attending local schools before 
serving in the Canadian army in the Second World War. 
His novel, The Aberhart Summer, first published in 
1983, evokes the emotions of those heady months in 
1935 in Alberta. Last year, the Citadel Theatre in 
Edmonton produced Conni Massing's play adapted from 
the book, and now NeWest Press has republished Powe's 
book. 

T.C. Byrne, in his study of "Alberta's revolutionary 
leaders," sums up his impression of the election 
campaign which raged during the Aberhart summer as 
"the most bitter campaign in the history of Canadian 
politics." He believes such deep emotion was partly 
due to the heated polemics of Aberhart's famous radio 
addresses. Byrne also credits the source of anger and 
frustration that allowed Aberhart's "transformation 
of a political battle into a type of religious 
warfare…the despair of a people who, longing for a 
saviour and having found him, became hostile toward 
anyone or anything that might prevent his accession 
to power." 

Sociologist John A. Irving wrote the first 
comprehensive study of the Social Credit phenomenon 
in 1959, when memories were still fresh among the 
participants. Irving doubted the Social Credit 
movement would have succeeded "had the people not 
previously developed a perception of its leader as a 
Man of God." 

William Aberhart was a school principal in Brantford, 
Ontario before moving to Alberta in 1910. Five years 
later he became a Baptist minister and high school 
principal in Calgary, and began broadcasting his 
influential 'Radio Sunday School" in 1925. He opened 
the Calgary Prophetic Bible Institute in 1927 and, 
two years later, on the eve of the Great Depression, 
founded his own fundamentalist sect, the Bible 
Institute Baptist Church. 

"Bible Bill" Aberhart preached Social Credit doctrine 
on his radio show as a way to end the Depression. 
Based on economic theories developed by Major C.H. 
Douglas, a Scottish engineer, Social credit held that 
since people lacked enough money to buy all the goods 
that could be produced by modern industry, 
governments should issue money to everyone in the 
form of "social credits", to enable a return to 
economic prosperity. Aberhart created the Social 
Credit League, which promised each Alberta citizen a 
monthly $25 "basic dividend." Social Credit won 56 of 
63 seats in the 1935 provincial election. Aberhart 
remained the leader of the Social Credit Party until 
his death in 1943. Ernest Manning then succeeded him 
as premier until 1971. 

Interviews conducted by Irving during the 1950s 
confirm how deeply split the community was by the 
Social Credit movement. Social Crediters insisted 
that their speakers were threatened with physical 
violence, and one prominent Social Credit speaker 
told Irving that on several occasions he was warned 
that he would be beaten up if he spoke in certain 
towns. Even in farming communities, "the customary 
courtesies of rural folk were often suspended." A 
farmer in southern Alberta related, "If you were a 
U.F.A. man and your car was broken down on the road, 
a Social Crediter who came along would not help you." 
Such deep divisions were only somewhat less 
noticeable in the larger cities. 

Powe sets his novel, a "story of political ambition," 
within this charged atmosphere. It is told through 
recollections of Doug Sayers, a veteran of the 
Depression and the Second World War. The setting is 
Alberta in the throes of political change. The 
narrative lines weave through the lives of real men 
of the time, such as Aberart and Manning. But it is 
also Sayers' story of shocking personal tragedy as he 
deals with the mysterious death of his best friend, 
Babe Roothe. "He was the best and the brightest," 
Power says of the character. 

The novel's subtext is the approaching global war and 
growing political unrest at home. That summer, the 
newspapers were full of the Abbysinian crisis, 
Mussolini preparing to attack Haile Selassie's little 
country, the League of Nations powerless to 
intervene. Anti-Jewish riots were reported across 
Germany. Edmonton newspapers printed "extras" 
describing the Regina Riot, during which police 
attacked striking relief camp workers in that city's 
Market Square. William Aberhart complained of no 
"just price" on articles sent to Alberta through mail 
order catalogues and threatened to set up his own 
provincial postal service if elected. 

The Aberhart summer became the focus for a political 
uproar which would surpass anything previously seen 
in Alberta politics. On the eve of the election, the 
Edmonton Bulletin warned that Aberhart could "plunge 
the people of Alberta in to the craziest and most 
fallacious scheme ever put before an electorate in 
any part of the British Empire." 

Powe begins his novel with an account of a famous 
meeting in Edmonton. The Social Credit League opened 
its election campaign with a picnic rally on July 6, 
at the Edmonton Exhibition grounds. A crowd of over 
5,000 were there. 

For the thousands who came, it was a reminder of the 
qualities the world had taken away from them: mirth, 
hope, decency, and the prospect of a returned 
prosperity. God knows they needed it. As they sat 
there on the hard seats, blankets over their 
shoulders against the chilly, damp night, I don't 
think they had any inkling that they were being 
prodded in a mass along vast chutes to a foggy arena. 

Crowds and meetings occur often in Powe's novel and 
provide powerful insights into the dynamic which led 
to the radical changes which came that year. As 
Irving noted, the response of the majority of 
Aberhart's followers to his role as a religious 
leader was usually fairly restrained, but "there was 
always the tendency, under the stimulation of great 
mass meetings, for more or less normal people to 
behave like the most fanatical of Aberhart's 
followers." 

Powe also tackles the early flirtation with fascism 
and anti-Semitism of Social Credit followers. The big 
Sunday rally at the South Side Park on August 4, 
described in the book, is "exactly what happened" 
according to Powe's research. However, Powe feels 
that Aberhart himself always rejected anti-Semitism. 

In the novel, narrator Sayers recalls that "obscure 
jargon such as 'monetization of credit' or 'Just 
Price' filled kitchens with an exotic aroma. Those 
who couldn't talk with knowledge or supportively of 
these new ideas, or at least nod their heads in 
agreement, were outcasts." As one character in the 
book reflects, "The burning light that shone on 
people…is tough to see now. Maybe the whole world was 
getting like that, and we had to have this war to 
purge ourselves of fevers of the mind so intense 
something had to give. And because we were so distant 
and alone away out there on the prairie, the 
pressures were all the more intense." 

Powe feels that the politics of the time have not 
contributed a direct legacy to today's political 
parties, however. "I don't think there is one today 
at all," he says. The right wing movements of today 
no longer attack the big interests, they support 
them. And they've focused on things like taxes and so 
on, whereas Social Credit was addressing a much 
broader problem of the control of the financial 
system." 

Powe's own book, The Aberhart Summer, does offer a 
legacy: certainly a reminder of the events that 
ushered in the longest political dynasty in Alberta's 
history and a compelling literary portrait of the 
people of the times. 

Ken Tingley is an historical resources consultant in 
Edmonton 

Reproduced with the permission of the author, and 
Legacy Magazine
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