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Commentary: Russia in NATO?

By ARNAUD de BORCHGRAVE, UPI Editor at Large

WASHINGTON, July 17 (UPI) -- Secretary of State Colin Powell told The
Washington Post that "90 percent of my time is spent on like one-tenth
of one percent of the world's population."

That's six million people. Even allowing for hyperbole, the minutiae of
foreign policy appears to have displaced the kind of thinking and
planning that spawned the post-World War II geopolitical architecture.
It was Bretton Woods, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank,
the Truman Doctrine, the Marshall Plan and NATO that kept the world on
an even keel. Today, a geopolitical vision for the challenges of the
21st century is sadly lacking.

If State's Powell cannot see the geopolitical forest for the small
trees, his Pentagon counterpart, Donald Rumsfeld, is doing battle with
his own generals and Congressmen who won't let him get on with the job
of preparing the United States for the wars of the future. However,
Condoleezza Rice's National Security Council appears to have stepped
into the over-the-horizon vacuum.

The outlines of a new global security system appear to be taking shape
at the NSC. The original idea was put forward as long ago as Dec. 6,
1993, by former Secretary of State James Baker III. In an op-ed piece in
The Washington Times, Baker wrote, "NATO leaders should draw up a clear
map for expanding the NATO alliance eastward to include the states of
Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, especially
democratic Russia. Otherwise, the most successful alliance in history is
destined to follow the threat that created it into the dustbin of
history."

Last Feb. 11, Russian President Vladimir Putin handed NATO
Secretary-General George Robertson a nine-page memo, in which he, for
the first time, referred to the threat of rogue states and to the need
for anti-missile protection. He suggested working closely with Europe to
develop such a system. For the United States, Putin said the threat of
ICBMs from rogue states, while real, was much farther down the road. But
Putin did not rule out a regional missile defense deal with NATO Europe
and the United States.

On May 1, President Bush, in a speech at the National Defense
University, talked for the first time of cooperating with Russia on
joint defense and the need to get rid of the adversarial legacy of the
Cold War.

In his first foreign policy interview after his election victory May 13,
Italy's new right-of-center Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi said, "Why
not?" when asked about the idea of Russia becoming a member of the NATO
alliance.

The day after the June 16 Bush-Putin summit in Slovenia, Rice was asked
whether she could envision Russia as a member of the alliance. She
replied: "We should not rule out anything. This is a Europe that is
changing dramatically. And should Russia make important, right choices
about its future, about democracy, free markets, about peaceful
relations with its neighbors, Russia will be fully integrated into
Europe" -- i.e., NATO Europe.

Little noticed in the post-Slovenia summit lucubrations was how Bush had
opened the door to Russia's joining the institutions of Europe,
including NATO. As Bush recalled the meeting in an interview with Peggy
Noonan, he told Putin that in the long run his greatest likely challenge
is from China, not America. "I said, 'You're a European, Mr. President,
you have no enemies in NATO [that] has been good for you, not bad. NATO
doesn't create any problems for you."

On the issue of including Russia in NATO, Bush said it would be
"interesting," that part of him thought, "Why not?" though "I haven't
thought about the nuance of it."

Bush also said, "I found a man who realizes his future lies with the
West, not the East, that we share common security concerns, primarily
Islamic fundamentalism, that he understands missiles could affect him
just as much as us...Why aren't we thinking about how to fashion
something different [so that when historians think] about the Bush-Putin
relationship they think about positive things?"

Rice and her NSC team are indeed thinking about new architecture for the
21st century. Putin wants detailed discussions with the United States
about strategic threats to both countries now and in the coming 10 to 15
years. That is what Rice was exploring in Moscow this week.

While in Washington last spring, German Defense Minister Rudolf
Scharping said in a private aside, "a new security system to include
North America, Europe and Russia is inevitable in the next 10 years."

When Putin said this week the Western military alliance should be
replaced by a pan-European security body, arguing that NATO's proposed
eastward expansion merely prolonged Cold War divisions on the continent,
he was agreeing with Scharping. A new post-NATO security system would
have to encompass a much larger area than the North Atlantic.

Much was made of how Putin and China's Jiang Zemin, just before the
U.S.-Russia summit, forged a cooperative pact with Central Asian states
aimed at combating Islamic extremism. This was seen as part of Russia's
strategy of reasserting influence in regional and global affairs. And
why not? All major powers, including India, are worried about the
rapidly spreading scourge of pseudo-religious terrorism. Singapore's Lee
Kuan Yew, Asia's senior statesman, says it is the biggest threat on the
global horizon, "and mark my words, the Muslim bomb will travel" in the
years to come. India has been suggesting a strategic rapprochement with
both the United States and Russia for the same reason. Pakistan, by
President Pervez Musharraf's own reckoning, has 1.5 million extremists
-- "1 percent of the population holding 99 percent of the people
hostage."

As long as Russia is kept outside looking in, a latent adversarial
relationship will persist. So will the temptation to show the world it
has other options -- e.g., this week's friendship and cooperation treaty
with China, albeit not aimed "at any third country."

Putin has told European leaders in so many words that Russia belongs
with the West and is anxious to develop a common economic space with the
European Union.

The whole world was in awe of U.S. superpowerdom at the end of the Cold
War. But the United States wasted the entire decade of the 1990s when it
could have been erecting with both friends and former foes new
geopolitical architecture to replace the nation-building institutions of
the post-World War II period. The concept of the United States as the
world's only superpower is now a convenient way to avoid thinking about
the new century's security problems. A superpower that is both risk-shy
and casualty-averse has lulled itself into a false sense of security.


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