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CIA director issues a warning to Congress
4 August 2009

In an extraordinary column published Sunday in the Washington Post,  
the director of the CIA, Leon Panetta, issued a blunt warning to the  
US Congress to forego any investigation of the agency’s operations  
under the Bush administration.

“I’ve become increasingly concerned that the focus on the past,  
especially in Congress, threatens to distract the CIA from its  
crucial core missions: intelligence collection, analysis and covert  
action,” Panetta writes.

In other words, accounting for the crimes of the past must not be  
allowed to interfere with the crimes of the present and the future.

Panetta’s essay is ostensibly aimed at reforging what he sees as the  
proper relationship between an elected Congress and US imperialism’s  
powerful covert intelligence agency. Essentially, he argues that this  
relationship should be founded on “consensus”; i.e., Congress  
agreeing to the secret operations in which the CIA is engaged and  
keeping its mouth shut.

“We need broad agreement between the executive and legislative  
branches on what our intelligence organizations do and why,” Panetta  
writes. Presumably, he is referring to the bipartisan support that  
has long existed in Washington for crimes ranging from the  
assassination of popular leaders like Patrice Lumumba to the  
overthrow of elected governments in Iran, Guatemala, Chile and  
elsewhere, to the waging of covert wars from Nicaragua to Angola that  
claimed the lives of hundreds of thousands.

Panetta complains that the “consensus” has broken down as a result of  
policies carried out over the last eight years, citing in particular  
“the detention and interrogation of terrorists,” by which he means  
the abduction, arbitrary imprisonment, “extraordinary rendition,”  
torture and murder of thousands of individuals—most of them guilty of  
nothing—in the so-called “war on terrorism.”

The breakdown of consensus, he adds, has led to “growing frustration  
and more frequent leaks of properly classified information.”

What “properly classified information,” he doesn’t say. Among the  
leaks that have shaken the CIA in recent years were those dealing  
with its “black sites”—secret prisons scattered around the globe  
where people were subjected to torture—and the existence and  
destruction of videotapes showing CIA personnel engaged in torture.

The secrecy surrounding such practices was not a matter of the CIA  
having “properly classified information,” but rather its cover-up of  
crimes, which is itself a criminal offense.

Claiming that the CIA has abandoned the illegal policies carried out  
under the Bush administration, Panetta stresses that “the CIA  
implements presidential decisions; we do not make them.” He adds,  
“Yet my agency continues to pay a price for enduring disputes over  
policies that no longer exist.”

Torture, assassination and arbitrary detention are violations of both  
US and international law for which no one responsible has paid any  
price. The argument made by Panetta boils down to the defense made  
infamous during the Nuremberg war crimes trials at the close of World  
War II: “We were only following orders.”

Rejected then, it remains illegitimate today under international law,  
which also requires that governments prosecute citizens who are  
credibly charged with engaging in torture. President Obama—like his  
predecessor in the White House—has effectively repudiated the  
treaties on torture signed by Washington by publicly guaranteeing a  
blanket amnesty for the CIA.

But Panetta doesn’t stop at those at the CIA who were “following  
orders.” He makes it clear that impunity must be extended to those  
who gave the orders as well.

“The time has come for both Democrats and Republicans to take a deep  
breath and recognize the reality of what happened after Sept. 11,  
2001,” Panetta insists. “The question is not the sincerity or the  
patriotism of those who were dealing with the aftermath of Sept. 11.  
The country was frightened, and political leaders were trying to  
respond as best they could.”

What nonsense! Bush, Cheney, Rumsfeld and others were not patriotic  
leaders “trying to respond as best they could” on behalf of a  
“frightened country.” They headed a conspiratorial cabal in the White  
House that used the attacks as a pretext to launch wars of aggression  
long in preparation against Afghanistan and Iraq—wars aimed not at  
protecting the American people, but asserting US hegemony over the  
oil-rich regions of Central Asia and the Persian Gulf.

They deliberately fomented and exploited fear to secure acquiescence  
to a policy of militarist violence abroad and far-ranging attacks on  
democratic rights at home.

What role the CIA itself played in allowing and even facilitating  
these attacks—attributed to the agency’s former “asset” Osama bin  
Laden—is no doubt another area of the past from which Panetta would  
like to move on.

Panetta cites his trip to Capitol Hill in June to inform intelligence  
committees about a secret program—reportedly involving the formation  
of assassination squads—that had existed for seven years but had  
never been disclosed to Congress. The CIA director complains that  
“rather than providing an opportunity to start a new chapter in CIA- 
congressional relations, the meeting sparked a fresh round of  
recriminations about the past.”

The revelation reignited charges by the Democratic leadership that it  
had been lied to and misled by the CIA under the Bush administration.  
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, a former top Democrat on the House  
intelligence panel, had claimed in May that she was never informed of  
the agency’s waterboarding of detainees. In response, Panetta issued  
a statement to CIA employees essentially calling the speaker a liar.

The dubious character of Pelosi’s claim notwithstanding, Panetta’s  
public rebuke to an elected official standing second in the line of  
succession to the White House is a telling demonstration of the role  
of the intelligence and military complex as a powerful and  
increasingly autonomous state within a state.

Panetta goes further in his column: “Intelligence can be a valuable  
weapon, but it is not one we should use on each other. As the  
president has said, this is not a time for retribution. Debates over  
who knew what when—or what happened seven years ago—miss a larger,  
more important point: We are a nation at war in a dangerous world ...”

There is a chilling quality to this assertion, couched in the “nation  
at war” rhetoric that was the stock-in-trade of Bush, Cheney and Co..  
Intelligence is a weapon that “we”—the CIA and Congress—should not  
“use on each other.” Is Panetta threatening Congress? The statement  
can be taken as a warning to Pelosi and others that unless they back  
off from any investigation of the agency’s crimes, it has the means  
to retaliate.

There is every reason to expect the Democrats in Congress to comply,  
just as they have been complicit in carrying out two wars of  
aggression and the enactment of a raft of legislation setting up the  
framework for a police state.

Neither the Obama administration nor the Democratic-led Congress will  
defend democratic rights or carry out the essential task of holding  
accountable those responsible for aggressive war, torture and other  
crimes. On the contrary, they are continuing these heinous practices  
in the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and the prisons at Guantánamo,  
Bagram and elsewhere.

These tasks can be realized only through the independent political  
mobilization of the working class in struggle against both political  
parties controlled by the financial elite. Only such a movement of  
working people can lay bare the illegal actions of the CIA and other  
US spy agencies and bring to account those who ordered them,  
including through the criminal investigation and prosecution of Bush,  
Cheney and others complicit in the crimes of the last eight years.

Bill Van Auken
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