Liberation from colonialism was my greatest contribution
By Andrew Mwenda

In this part Obote tells Andrew Mwenda about Uganda’s economic performance under his second administration.


Upon arrival here in Lusaka, I immediately began plans to fight the government of the Okellos. Then Yoweri Museveni removed them and I transferred the efforts to another political struggle to liberate Uganda from Museveni’s dictatorship.

I am now 79 years old and in virtual retirement. But I have got to continue for as long as I breathe to ensure that Uganda is once again a free nation. I do not, however, consider ever being president of Uganda again, no, never! I am old.

CLEAN: Obote says that he was never corrupt during his time as president of Uganda (Monitor photo).

CLOCKWISE: Milton Obote, Julius Nyerere, Robert Mugabe, Robert Ouko, Kenneth Kaunda and Peter Otai at an O.A.U summit. Obote is proud of the fact that he was a founder member of the Organisation of African Unity (File photo).

I am not like Ronald Reagan, former United States president who came for his second term in 1984 when he was eighty years old.
Even if Museveni’s government fell, UPC is revived and they say we want you to be the presidential candidate, I would refuse.
Let me take stock of my life history as prime minister, later president of Uganda twice, and as leader of that great political party, the Uganda Peoples’ Congress (UPC).
What have the UPC and I achieved in our life history?

My successes
When I look back, I see the liberation of Uganda from colonial rule and later from Idi Amin’s tyranny as my greatest contribution to my country. The second pillar of my legacy is the economic development of Uganda.

In both my first and second administration, Uganda’s economy grew impressively well: at an annual average of 5 percent in the 1960s and 6 percent in the early 1980s. These facts can be verified from the library of the Ministry of Finance in Entebbe.

In the economic sphere, by the time Idi Amin staged the coup, Uganda was a net supplier of ready made textiles and garment to major departmental stores like H&M, C&A, Marks & Spencer etc. Museveni does not know that Uganda by 1970 had reached a stage of the manufacture and export of industrial products and was competing very well in European markets, and was about to enter the US market.

As a result, throughout the 1960s, Uganda enjoyed an impressive trade surplus, as our export volumes and values increased considerably.
The share of industry and services increased, while that of agriculture to total GDP reduced. There was also a rapid expansion of the monetary economy.

The third pillar of my work is investment in social infrastructure to improve the quality of life of our people. We wanted our people to live well.

So we invested in housing estates for the upper and middle-income groups. Large-scale apartment blocks like Bugolobi, Bat Valley and Bukoto estates are a product of this effort.

The UPC administration made significant investments in health by building 22 rural hospitals in every district (then) and over 500 dispensaries in every sub country in Uganda.

Our investment in education in both my first and second administration was also significant and that is why UPC is popular all over Uganda.
We expanded existing schools like Budo, Mwiri, Nyakasura, Ntare, and all other A-class secondary schools from 320 students to 760 by building more and better classrooms, dormitories and laboratories.
We expanded Makerere University and other institutions of higher learning, in terms of student in-take, physical infrastructure, academic facilities and student welfare.

Then we built roads, improved the rail system and expanded our air services.
My government established state enterprises and ran them more efficiently, more profitably and more effectively than many, if not most private enterprises in Uganda.

State owned banks, industries and other parastatal bodies attracted the most professionally talented Ugandans and increased the participation of Africans in their own economy.

We also promoted the development of private enterprises owned by Ugandans who competed effectively, just like state enterprises, against both multi national companies and Asian owned business.
It is Museveni and Amin who killed state enterprises and turned them into incompetent and loss making enterprises.

The fourth pillar of my achievements is in the field of international relations. I was a founder member of the Organisation of African Unity. During that conference, I played a major role in hammering out the compromise between the Monrovia Group and the Casablanca group, and personally suggested the creation of a body to drive Africa towards unity.

I am very proud of the role played by me personally and my government generally in the liberation of many African countries from the yoke of colonial rule.

We contributed money, logistics and diplomatic support to the different liberation movements in Africa in both my first and second administrations.

Uganda was among the countries that former South African President Nelson Mandela visited when he ran from South Africa and visited other African states looking for support.
In his book No Easy Walk to Freedom, Mandela does refer to my meeting him and offering support.

ADMIRED: Kwame Nkrumah

LIKED: Nelson Mandela

Uganda, Tanzania and Ghana were the three major Commonwealth nations that opposed Ian Smith and his Unilateral Declaration of Independence in 1965.

It was because of my deep involvement in the struggle for South Africa’s liberation that I went to Singapore to attend the Commonwealth conference there in January 1971, and caused the British to gang with the Israelis, South Africans and Amin to overthrow my government.

My failures
On the negative side, I consider control of the military as being my major failure. I regret ever having trusted Idi Amin. I should also never have left Tito Okello and Bazillio Okello in command positions in the army.

I am reluctant to condemn Paulo Muwanga because I am not very sure about his role in the coup. In any case, Muwanga remained a strong UPC until he died.

I also regret that my second administration was unable to stop the killings and massacres of innocent civilians in Luweero by Museveni and his insurgent army.

As head of government, it was my duty to ensure the safety of person and property in Luweero from all threats – be they from within government or from without.

I also regret the move to the left. With hindsight, I think we should not have attempted socialist or nationalisation policies.
Regarding the attack on the Lubiri, I regret it only in as far as I was the head of government. I had nothing to do with it.
I was having a luncheon at Kampala Lodge with Bulasio Kavuma, Badru Kakungulu and Elidad Muwonge of Bugerere when we heard at about two o’clock, a bomb at Lubiri.

We later found out that it was Idi Amin’s soldiers who were bombing Lubiri. I called for Amin, he came and we discussed it.
Amin tried to justify his action saying that the men who were in the Lubiri wanted to overthrow the government, wanted to overpower the army. I did not accept that one. I ordered him to return the troops to the barracks, which he did.

By this time, the battle of Mengo was over, although many authors have said the battle went on into the night. Unfortunately Mutesa was my friend. Regarding the current political situation in Uganda, I am not happy with the proposed cabinet White Paper because from the little I have read, it seems as though Museveni wants to manipulate the return to multi party politics without actually freeing political parties.
Regarding federo, I think Buganda should get it. In the 1960s we accepted it as the UPC government.

We found that federo virtually means division of work between two governments. We assessed the different institutional and resource capacities of the different districts/regions – Toro, Ankole, Bunyoro, Busoga and Buganda and we gave them different degrees of control of their own resources.

I regret to say that Buganda used federo to undermine the central government. The Kabaka was used to attempt to overthrow his own government when he was also president of Uganda, a very unfortunate development.

Also important to note is that at the time, ethnic loyalties were very strong in Uganda and the kingdoms did not help much in helping the young nation to develop a national identity.

One of the reasons why the government, and later the constituent assembly, decided in 1967 to abolish kingdoms was because of this problem.

Today, Ugandans have a strong sense of nationhood and therefore kingdoms no longer pose a threat to national unity, at least not to the magnitude that we had to deal with in 1960s.

Regarding Buganda, the current Kabaka, Ronald Mutebi is a more understanding king than his father, with better judgement to avoid the pitfalls Mutesa led Uganda into.

In any case, although many people in Buganda may not accept this, the dissolution of their kingdom as a result of conflict with the central government in 1966/7 has taught them to be more careful in the future and therefore not to press unrealistic demands on the central government.

My return to Uganda
I hope I will return home, because Uganda is my country and I have spent the best efforts of the last five decades to the development of my country.

There is a time when Ruhakana Rugunda was Minister for the Presidency and he presented a paper to cabinet about my return. As it turned out there was no plan at all but a manoeuvre to try and lure me back to Uganda and perhaps to kill me.

Recently, Museveni asked a friend of his, an Indian here in Lusaka that he should like to meet me. And I asked the Indian, what for? I never received a reply and when the day of the meeting came, I sent a delegation to meet Museveni to get the message from him.
Instead, Museveni turned around and claimed I am the one who had called the meeting. Since he had nothing for my delegation, the meeting collapsed.

I am very reluctant to meet Museveni. I would not want to meet him. If in the unlikely event I found Museveni in the same room as myself, I would walk out. I hate Museveni very much because the man killed my parents; I would be inhuman not to hate him. The army attacked my father’s home! He was a blind man.

My father told the boy who used to hold his stick to go and climb a tree. The boy went. My father was put in the courtyard in his chair. The soldiers came and they cut off his tongue.

They said they would not waste a bullet on him. He died bleeding. I built a house with a water-tank on top and had a borehole in front of my mother’s house. So people who came to draw water would also fill the tank up. The tank served my mother in her house. They went and pulled off the borehole that it was built with government money. I had never used government money in all the years that I was in government to do personal work or to build my house or my father’s house. In short I was never corrupt. Never! If there has been a Ugandan president who has never been corrupt, I am that president. So my mother got a heart attack and never recovered.
I would not want to talk to Museveni face to face. Museveni is a killer.

My conditions for returning to Uganda are simple. When the parties are operating, and there is no more dictatorship, I will return to Uganda.
I am the father of the nation. Whatever people may say, whatever Museveni says, I am the father of Uganda. I cannot live in Uganda when it is being ruled under a dictatorship and the army.

I would rather be out! Museveni being in government does not necessarily mean dictatorship and military government. Museveni can be under democracy. It depends on the situation.

One time I read that Museveni had offered to rebuild my house in Lira. I don’t accept that. He destroyed it, now why would I want the taxpayer to do it for me?

If by accident of history I found myself in the same room with Museveni, I would poke him if I had a stick. That is how much I loathe and hate the man. He is a huge fellow I can poke him anywhere.
My message to him is that he should not bother me. I am willing to come home provided there is no dictatorship and no one party rule.
He is punishing Ugandans for nothing and punishing himself for nothing. The man does not sleep.

I have been a president I know he does not sleep. He is worried that all the suffering he has taken Uganda through will come back to haunt him.

I personally was never worried about being overthrown when I was president the way Museveni worries about it.
This is because while I was president, I served the people. Museveni is president to serve his ego.

If I were overthrown, I would worry about the service to the people. If Museveni is overthrown, he would worry about himself. So what else would someone do other than overthrow me? You have got to replace me and do wonders that UPC did for Uganda. All those who replaced me failed to register my achievements.

I do not therefore miss being president because I never worked for it. I did not like titles like Your Excellency.
You remember in 1980 while we were campaigning I stopped UPC members who had been in the NCC from calling themselves honourables.
My days as president were days spent very well. However, there were days spent badly. My major preoccupation was working for the people of Uganda and the people of Africa. I would consider a day good if I spent it successfully designing or implementing a project that would improve the lives of the people of Uganda. A bad day would be a day spent without designing or implementing a good project.

So I would spend most of my time as president working on projects like the construction of hospitals, schools, roads, industries, water projects, electricity for the people and other economic projects.
One of the major problems of being president was being cut off from my family. Being president is a very demanding job. You cannot be with the family and be president successfully at the same time.
My greatest joy for being prime minister and later president twice was to be able to serve the people of Uganda.

Travelling abroad for international conferences was a great experience. I remember the time I travelled to London for a Commonwealth conference. It was 1963. When I arrived, Kwame Nkrumah then president of Ghana shouted to all other heads of state and said, “There is Obote!” I was very proud to be introduced by such a great man, to such a gathering of leaders. I was very proud.

The one person I admired most was Nkrumah who is now dead. He was a personal friend and an inspiration in the struggle for Africa’s liberation and unity.

The other leader was Mahatma Ghandi. I never met him but I liked his philosophy. Nkrumah had ideas about Africa, which were good. But implementation was difficult.

He was not patient enough to cultivate implementation. He was in a hurry. But he was an illustrious leader. Africa has not had such a great man again. Nkrumah was frustrated by the western powers through the manipulation of the price of cocoa on the international market. They pushed it downward in order to cause him foreign exchange problems and when he was overthrown, the price went up in Ghana, which means that those who were responsible for it put the price down in order to undermine Nkrumah. Nkrumah thought African, governed African, lived African and died African.

Another leader who inspired me was Jawarha Nehru, first Prime Minister of India.
He governed a difficult party, the Indian National Congress, and a difficult country, India, and he did it democratically.
The other leader I respected a lot was Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. He was a personal friend and a very successful president. I admired and liked Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia and we were close friends.

One of the icons of Africa was Gamar Abdel Nasser of Egypt. The other was Ahmed Ben Bella of Algeria. I had also great admiration for Sekou Toure of Guinea and when I was overthrown in 1971, he sent me a message of support.

I like Nelson Mandela although his most productive time was spent in jail. After he left jail, he gave South Africa the best constitution for that country, which other African countries should emulate.
The American president I admired was John F. Kennedy. I visited Kennedy when I was prime minister and had a discussion with him.
I was impressed by his keenness to learn more about Africa and want to work in partnership with us for the advancement of the African peoples.

I did not have the opportunity to meet the other US presidents, so I cannot judge them. British Prime Minister Harold Wilson was a personal friend and we shared a common background of leading political parties with a strong base among workers.

Tomorrow find out what Obote thinks about Godfrey Binaisa, Paul Ssemogerere, President Yoweri Museveni and other leading tellers of Ugandan Politics.

__________________________________________________
Do You Yahoo!?
Tired of spam? Yahoo! Mail has the best spam protection around
http://mail.yahoo.com

_______________________________________________
Ugandanet mailing list
Ugandanet@kym.net
http://kym.net/mailman/listinfo/ugandanet
% UGANDANET is generously hosted by INFOCOM http://www.infocom.co.ug/

Reply via email to