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 <http://www.eurozine.com/authors/roy.html> Olivier Roy

Islamic evangelism

Islam in Europe

It is a mistake to think that religous and political radicalism among
European Muslims is a mere import from the cultures and conflicts of the
Middle East. It is above all a consequence of the globalization and
Westernization of Islam, writes Olivier Roy.

Many believe that religious revival and political radicalism among Europe's
Muslims reflects the traditions and conflicts of the Middle East or the
wider Muslim world. But Islamic Salafism (fundamentalist religious
radicalism) is above all a consequence of the globalization and
Westernization of Islam, and of the decoupling of culture and religion more
generally.

 
<http://www.iwm.at/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=420&Itemid=521>


All forms of religious fundamentalism rely on the notion of a "pure"
religion independent of cultural variations and influences. Today's Islamic
revival shares the dogmatism, communitarianism, and scripturalism of
American evangelist movements: both reject culture, philosophy, and even
theology to favour a literalist reading of the sacred texts and an immediate
understanding of truth through individual faith.

Recent religious books published in the West reflect this, with titles like
What is Islam?, What Does It Mean To Be A Muslim?, and How To Experience
Islam? It is easy to fast during Ramadan in Afghanistan, Pakistan, and
Egypt, even if one does not want to. But a Muslim living in Europe is
confronted with the necessity of objectifying the religion. The ulemas
(religious scholars) are useless for believers, who are searching for purely
religious criteria that are no longer linked to a given culture. 

 

The real issue is not an intellectual or theoretical question about Islam,
but the religious practices of Muslims. The forms of religiosity in Islam
today are more or less the same as those found in Catholicism,
Protestantism, and even Judaism. Contemporary adherents insist more on
personal faith and individual spiritual experience. Such "born again"
believers rebuild their identities from the perspective of their rediscovery
of religion.

With Islamic fundamentalism, too, we are not witnessing a traditional
religion asserting itself against the Christian West. When the Taliban came
to power in Afghanistan in 1996, they had an excellent relationship with the
Americans, and Westerners could travel freely in Afghanistan between 1996
and 1998.

The Taliban were not fighting Western culture, but traditional Afghan
culture. Why forbid owning songbirds? Why ban kites? The rationale was one
common to all forms of fundamentalism: this world exists only to prepare the
believer for salvation. The state's role is not to ensure social justice and
the rule of law, but to create opportunities – even if they are coercive –
for believers to find their way to salvation.

The Taliban's argument was simple: if your bird starts singing while you are
praying, you will be distracted and your prayer will be nullified. If you
are a good Muslim, you will start again from the beginning. But, since we
are not sure that you are a good Muslim, it is easier to forbid owning
songbirds, so that they cannot jeopardize your salvation.

Similarly, kites get tangled in trees, and if you climb the tree to free it,
you might look over your neighbor's wall and see a woman without her veil,
which would put you in a sinful state. Why risk burning in hell for a kite?
Better to ban them.

Fundamentalism is thus not a protest by original cultures under threat; it
is the praise of these cultures' disappearance. So it is a grave mistake to
link modern forms of fundamentalism with the idea of a clash of cultures or
civilizations. Young people do not become fundamentalists because their
parents' culture is ignored by Western civilization. Fundamentalist
religiosity is individual and generational, a rebellion against the religion
of one's parents.

Of course, religious fundamentalists of whatever stripe often emphasize
similar codes, norms, and values. When Pim Fortuyn in Holland decided to
wage a campaign against Muslim influence, he was defending sexual freedom,
not traditional Christian values. But on this subject and others – such as
family and abortion – religious Muslims in Europe side with conservative
Christians.

Nevertheless, such commonalities do not explain political and radical Islam.
Osama Bin Laden is much more the expression of deracination than of a
tradition of political violence in Islam. Muhammad Atta, Zacharias
Moussaoui, and Kamel Daoudi were "born again" in Marseilles, London, and
Montreal, not in Egypt or Morocco (and they all broke ties with their
families).

Moreover, young radicals go to fight in Bosnia, Chechnya, Afghanistan, or
Kashmir rather than in their countries of origin, because they do not regard
the Middle East as the heart of a Muslim civilization that is under siege by
crusaders. They live in a global world, and they do not perceive themselves
as Middle Easterners.

The irrelevance of traditional culture explains the growing number of
converts in all the recently discovered radical networks. The members of the
Beghal network in France were roughly one-third converts. The French police
arrested a German citizen with a Polish name in connection with the
terrorist attack on the synagogue in Djerba, Tunisia. Richard Reid, who
tried to blow up a British airplane; José Padilla, accused of plotting a
"dirty bomb" attack in the United States; and John Walker Lindh, the
American Taliban, are all converts.

In Europe, conversion is typically confined to underprivileged
neighbourhoods, populated by young people with no job prospects and who
generally live in a small underground economy of delinquency. The radical
and violent Left in Europe today has abandoned these zones of social
exclusion. Radicals used to learn to handle a Kalashnikov and hijack planes
with the Palestinians. Now they learn to handle a Kalashnikov and hijack
planes with Al Qaeda.

Their quest for mythic, messianic, transnational movements of liberation
remains the same, as does the enemy: the American imperial colossus. They
are the product not of Western history or Middle Eastern history, but the
fusion of all histories, of globalization. They are at home in a homeless
world.


This is a commentary distributed by Project Syndicate and based on the
longer, original essay "Islam in Europe: Clash of Religions or Convergence
of Religiosities?" published in Krzysztof Michalski (ed.), Conditions of
European Solidarity, vol. II: Religion in the New Europe, Central European
University Press 2006. 

 

 

 

 

 

Published 2006-08-17


Original in English 
First published in Project Syndicate, April 2004

Contributed by  <http://www.eurozine.com/journals/transit.html> Transit 
© Olivier Roy/Project Syndicate, Institute for Human Sciences
© Eurozine 

 

 

Focal Point: Post-secular Europe?


Is religion a public or a private matter? Can there be such a thing as a
European Islam? If so, what characterizes it? What role can religion -- or
religions -- play when it comes to the emergence of a European solidarity?
In a series of articles, Eurozine focuses on post-secular tendencies and
religion(s) in the new Europe. 

Josè Casanova
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2004-07-29-casanova-en.html> Religion,
European secular identities, and European integration
Danièle Hervieu-Léger
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2006-08-17-hervieuleger-en.html> The role
of religion in establishing social cohesion
Jan Philipp Reemtsma
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2005-12-02-reemtsma-en.html> Must we
respect religiosity? On questions of faith and the pride of the secular
society
Klaus Eder
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2006-07-07-eder-de.html> European
secularization: A special route to post-secular society?
Klaus Eder, Giancarlo Bosetti
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2006-08-17-eder-en.html> Post-secularism:
A return to the public sphere
Isolde Charim
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2006-04-13-charim-en.html> Culture as
battlefield
Ètienne Balibar
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2004-06-16-balibar-de.html> Discords in
the French laicity
Olivier Mongin, Jean-Louis Schlegel
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2005-07-21-monginschlegel-fr.html> The
legislation of 1905
Ernest Gellner
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2000-08-28-gellner-en.html> Religion and
the profane
Ramin Jahanbegloo
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2006-05-19-jahanbegloo-en.html> Beyond
the clash of intolerances
Nilüfer Göle
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2006-08-17-gole-en.html> The Islamist
identity. Islam, European public space, and civility
Olivier Roy
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2006-08-17-roy-en.html> Islamic
evangelism. Islam in Europe
Èric Rouleau
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2001-12-07-rouleau-de.html> Power and
religion. Political Islam
Abdesselam Cheddadi
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2005-12-01-cheddadi-fr.html> The question
of tolerance in Islamic societies
Rachid Benzine, Luca Sebastiani
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2006-04-18-benzine-en.html> The new paths
of modern Islam
Tahar Ben Jelloun
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2006-04-18-benjelloun-de.html> Pride and
prejudice. On the incompatibility of religion and humour
Seyla Benhabib, Giancarlo Bosetti
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2005-09-19-benhabib-en.html> Beliefs in
the US. Between new fears and old responses
Mattias Martinson
 <http://www.eurozine.com/articles/2005-09-14-martinson-en.html> Theology of
tidal waves. A post-humanist interpretation



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