-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the Sept. 21, 2000
issue of Workers World newspaper
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EDITORIAL: SPIES, LIES AND U.S. - CHINA RELATIONS

fter holding physicist Wen Ho Lee in shackles for nine 
months and refusing to let him speak his mother tongue, the 
U.S. Justice Department made a sudden reversal and admitted 
they had no evidence to prove Lee was a spy.

The flimsy case and the court's brutal handling of Lee 
succeeded in arousing anger and resistance among his fellow 
scientists and within the Asian community here. People were 
furious at the obvious racial discrimination. Scientists of 
Asian descent were refusing jobs on military projects.

But in a case of this political weight, the lack of 
evidence, the exposure of bias, even the growing resistance 
among Lee's colleagues, are not enough to explain the 
government's U-turn. Similar developments did nothing to 
stop the execution of Shaka Sankofa in Texas last June.

Nor, in what is perhaps a more nearly analogous case, did it 
stop the U.S. government at the onset of the anti-USSR Cold 
War from framing Ethel Rosenberg and Julius Rosenberg.

That's just the case some U.S. prosecutors had in mind, it 
seems. As a report in the Sept. 12 New York Times mentions, 
"Some government investigators even suggested that once it 
was fully understood, Mr. Lee's role was comparable to that 
of Julius and Ethel Rosenberg, who were executed as Soviet 
spies in 1953."

What the Lee case was about goes far beyond the fate of this 
individual scientist, who has been abused by those he had 
given the benefits of his talents and thinking.

At the center of the case is the class conflict between the 
imperialist United States and the socialist People's 
Republic of China. Equally at the center is a struggle 
within U.S. ruling-class circles about how to conduct this 
class war.

A section of that class has been content to continue to 
expand economic ties between imperialism and China and to 
continually increase pressure to open up the Chinese economy 
to capitalism and imperialist penetration. In the short run, 
this brings profits to U.S. capitalists. In the long run, it 
aims at "soft" counter-revolution and dissolving the unified 
Chinese state--much as happened with the Soviet Union.

The ideas of another section of the ruling class can be seen 
in the writings and speeches of those like George W. Bush's 
advisor Paul Wolfowitz and former U.S. Ambassador to China 
under President George Bush, James Lilley.

Lilley was first appointed National Intelligence Officer for 
China in 1975--that is, the top U.S. spymaster against 
China. In an op-ed article in the New York Times Sept. 12, 
Lilley writes that "we must not damage our national security 
by painting a benign picture of China's espionage 
techniques."

But these forces don't limit their role to talking and 
writing. They also carry out their China policy by bombing 
the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, lobbying to build and 
install anti-ballistic missile shields that give the 
Pentagon a first-strike potential against China, and putting 
victims like Wen Ho Lee on trial.

The sudden reversal, then, is an expression of this inner 
ruling-class conflict over strategy. It will undoubtedly 
continue regarding Lee's case and on other fronts.

Pro-socialist forces within the United States have an 
obligation within their abilities both to defend the gains 
of the Chinese Revolution and to defend China against 
assault from this viciously aggressive wing of the U.S. 
ruling class. That means battling against "Star Wars" 
schemes, exposing the lies and slander against China, and 
exposing the hypocrisy and injustice of cases like those 
against Lee.

- END -

(Copyleft Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to 
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changing it is not allowed. For more information contact 
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