New York Times propagandists exposed: Finally, the truth about Ukraine and 
Putin emerges 


NATO was the aggressor and got Ukraine wrong. Many months later, the media has 
eventually figured out the truth 


Patrick L. Smith <http://www.salon.com/writer/patrick_l_smith/>  

Vladimir Putin (Credit: AP/Mark Lennihan/Photo montage by Salon)

Well, well, well. Gloating is unseemly, especially in public, but give me this 
one, will you?

It has been a long and lonely winter defending the true version of events in 
Ukraine, but here comes the sun. We now have open acknowledgment in high places 
that Washington is indeed responsible for this mess, the prime mover, the 
“aggressor,” and finally this term is applied where it belongs. NATO, once 
again, is revealed as causing vastly more trouble than it has ever prevented.

Washington, it is now openly stated, has been wrong, wrong, wrong all along. 
The commentaries to be noted do not take on the media, but I will, and in 
language I use advisedly. With a few exceptions they are proven liars, liars, 
liars — not only conveying the official version of events but willfully 
elaborating on it off their own bats.

Memo to the New York Times’ Moscow bureau: Vicky Nuland, 
<http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-26079957>  infamous now for desiring sex 
with the European Union, has just FedExed little gold stars you can affix to 
your foreheads, one for each of you. Wear them with pride for you will surely 
fight another day, having learned nothing, and ignore all ridicule. If it gets 
too embarrassing, tell people they have something to do with the holidays.

O.K., gloat concluded. To the business at hand.

We have had, in the last little while, significant analyses of the Ukraine 
crisis, each employing that method the State Department finds deadly: 
historical perspective. In a lengthy interview 
<http://www.spiegel.de/international/world/interview-with-henry-kissinger-on-state-of-global-politics-a-1002073.html>
  with Der Spiegel, the German newsmagazine, none other than Henry Kissinger 
takes Washington carefully but mercilessly to task. “Does one achieve a world 
order through chaos or through insight?” Dr. K. asks.

Here is one pertinent bit:

  _____  

  _____  

KISSINGER. … But if the West is honest with itself, it has to admit that there 
were mistakes on its side. The annexation of Crimea was not a move toward 
global conquest. It was not Hitler moving into Czechoslovakia.

SPIEGEL. What was it then?

KISSINGER. One has to ask oneself this question: Putin spent tens of billions 
of dollars on the Winter Olympics in Sochi. The theme of the Olympics was that 
Russia is a progressive state tied to the West through its culture and, 
therefore, it presumably wants to be part of it. So it doesn’t make any sense 
that a week after the close of the Olympics, Putin would take Crimea and start 
a war over Ukraine. So one has to ask oneself, Why did it happen?

SPIEGEL. What you’re saying is that the West has at least a kind of 
responsibility for the escalation?

KISSINGER. Yes, I am saying that. Europe and America did not understand the 
impact of these events, starting with the negotiations about Ukraine’s economic 
relations with the European Union and culminating in the demonstrations in 
Kiev. All these, and their impact, should have been the subject of a dialogue 
with Russia. This does not mean the Russian response was appropriate.

Interesting. Looking for either insight or honesty in Obama’s White House or in 
his State Department is a forlorn business, and Kissinger surely knows this. So 
he is, as always, a cagey critic. But there are numerous things here to 
consider, and I will come back to them.

First, let us note that Kissinger’s remarks follow an essay titled “Why the 
Ukraine Crisis Is the West’s Fault.” 
<http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/141769/john-j-mearsheimer/why-the-ukraine-crisis-is-the-wests-fault>
  The subhead is just as pithy: “The Liberal Delusions That Provoked Putin.”

Wow. As display language I would speak for that myself. And wow again for where 
the piece appears: In the September-October edition of Foreign Affairs, that 
radical rag published at East 68th Street and Park Avenue, the Manhattan home 
of the ever-subverting Council on Foreign Relations.

Finally and most recently, we have Katrina vanden Heuvel weighing in on the 
Washington Post’s opinion page the other day with “Rethinking the Cost of 
Western Intervention in Ukraine, 
<http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/katrina-vanden-heuvel-rethinking-the-cost-of-western-intervention-in-ukraine/2014/11/25/b92f8496-741a-11e4-9c9f-a37e29e80cd5_story.html>
 ” in which the Nation’s noted editor asserts, “One year after the United 
States and Europe celebrated the February coup that ousted the corrupt but 
constitutionally elected president of Ukraine, Viktor Yanukovych, liberal and 
neoconservative interventionists have much to answer for.”

Emphatically so. Here is one of vanden Heuvel’s more salient observations:

The U.S. government and the mainstream media present this calamity as a 
morality tale. Ukrainians demonstrated against Yanukovych because they wanted 
to align with the West and democracy. Putin, as portrayed by Hillary Rodham 
Clinton among others, is an expansionist Hitler who has trampled international 
law and must be made to “pay a big price” for his aggression. Isolation and 
escalating economic sanctions have been imposed. Next, if Senate hawks such as 
John McCain and Lindsey Graham have their way, Ukraine will be provided with 
arms to “deter” Putin’s “aggression.” But this perspective distorts reality.

I can anticipate with ease a thoughtful reader or two writing in the comment 
thread, “But we knew all this already. What’s the point?” We have known all 
this since the beginning, indeed, thanks to perspicacious writers such as 
Robert Parry and Steve Weissman. Parry, like your columnist, is a refugee from 
the mainstream who could take no more; Weissman, whose credentials go back to 
the Free Speech Movement, seems fed up with the whole nine and exiled himself 
to France.

Something I have wanted to say for months is now right: Thank you, colleagues. 
Keep on keeping on.

Also to be noted in this vein is Stephen Cohen, the distinguished Princeton 
Russianist, whose essay in the Nation 
<http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article37635.htm>  last February gave 
superb and still useful perspective, a must-read if you propose to take Ukraine 
seriously and get beyond the propaganda. (Vanden Heuvel rightly noted him, too, 
wrongly omitting that she and Cohen are spouses. A report to the Ethics Police 
has been filed anonymously.)

These people’s reporting and analyses require no imprimatur from the mainstream 
press. Who could care? This is not the point. The points as I read them are two.

One, there is no shred of doubt in my mind that the work of the above-mentioned 
and a few others like them has been instrumental in forcing the truth of the 
Ukraine crisis to the surface. Miss this not. In a polity wherein the policy 
cliques have zero accountability to any constituency — unbelievable simply to 
type that phrase — getting accurate accounts and responsibly explanatory copy 
out — and then reading it, equally — is essential. Future historians will join 
me in expressing gratitude.

Two, we have indirect admissions of failure. It is highly significant that 
Foreign Affairs and the Washington Post, both bastions of the orthodoxy, are 
now willing to publish what amount to capitulations. It would be naive to think 
this does not reflect a turning of opinion among prominent members of the 
policy cliques.

I had thought for months as the crisis dragged on, this degree of 
disinformation cannot possibly hold. From the Nuland tape onward, too much of 
the underwear was visible as the trousers fell down, so to say. And now we have 
State and the media clerks with their pants bunched up at their ankles.

The Foreign Affairs piece is by a scholar at the University of Chicago named 
John Mearsheimer, whose publishing credits include “Why Leaders Lie: The Truth 
About Lying in International Politics” and “The Israel Lobby and American 
Foreign Policy,” the latter an especially gutsy undertaking. He is a 
soothsayer, and you find these people among the scholars every once in a while, 
believe it or not.

Mearsheimer was writing opinion in the Times with heads such as “Getting 
Ukraine Wrong” 
<http://www.nytimes.com/2014/03/14/opinion/getting-ukraine-wrong.html?_r=0>  as 
far back as March, when the news pages were already busy doing so. In the 
Foreign Affairs piece, he vigorously attacks NATO expansion, citing George 
Kennan in his later years, when Dr. Containment was objecting strenuously to 
the post-Soviet push eastward and the overall perversion of his thinking by 
neoliberal know-nothings-read-nothings. Here is a little Mearsheimer:

… The United States and its European allies share most of the responsibility 
for the crisis. The taproot of the trouble is NATO enlargement, the central 
element of a larger strategy to move Ukraine out of Russia’s orbit and 
integrate it into the West. At the same time, the EU’s expansion eastward and 
the West’s backing of the pro-democracy movement in Ukraine—beginning with the 
Orange Revolution in 2004—were critical elements, too. Since the mid-1990s, 
Russian leaders have adamantly opposed NATO enlargement, and in recent years, 
they have made it clear that they would not stand by while their strategically 
important neighbor turned into a Western bastion. For Putin, the illegal 
overthrow of Ukraine’s democratically elected and pro-Russian president—which 
he rightly labeled a “coup”—coup—was was the final straw. He responded by 
taking Crimea, a peninsula he feared would host a NATO naval base, and working 
to destabilize Ukraine until it abandoned its efforts to join the West.

Drinks for Mearsheimer, for his plain-English use of “coup” alone, any time the 
professor may happen into my tiny Connecticut village. It is an extensive, 
thorough piece and worth the read even if Foreign Affairs is not your usual 
habit. His conclusion now that Ukraine is in pieces, its economy wrecked and 
its social fabric in shreds:

The United States and its European allies now face a choice on Ukraine. They 
can continue their current policy, which will exacerbate hostilities with 
Russia and devastate Ukraine in the process — a scenario in which everyone 
would come out a loser. Or they can switch gears and work to create a 
prosperous but neutral Ukraine, one that does not threaten Russia and allows 
the West to repair its relations with Moscow. With that approach, all sides 
would win.

Mearsheimer has as much chance of seeing this shift in policy as Kissinger has 
finding honesty and insight anywhere in Washington. One hope he is busy in 
other matters.

As to Dr. K., he reminds me at 90 of the old survivors of the Maoist revolution 
in China, the last few Long Marchers. They enjoy a certain immunity in their 
sunset years, no matter what they may say, and for this reason I have always 
appreciated meeting the few I have. So it is with Henry.

Did Washington in any way authorize Kissinger’s interview, as it may have the 
Foreign Affairs piece, given the revolving door at East 68th Street? I doubt 
it. Did it know this was coming. Almost certainly. A nonagenarian, Henry still 
travels in high policy circles. His critique on Ukraine has been evident here 
and there for many months.

Interesting, first, that Kissinger gave the interview to a German magazine. 
Nobody in the American press would have dared touch such remarks as these — 
they cannot, having lied so long. And Kissinger understands, surely, that the 
Germans are ambivalent, to put it mildly, when it comes to Washington’s 
aggressions against Russia.

I have been mad at Kissinger since throwing rocks at the CRS, the French riot 
police, outside the American embassy in Paris in the spring of 1970, when the 
U.S started bombing Cambodia. And I am not with him now when he asserts “the 
Russian response was not appropriate.”

Why not? What was Putin supposed to do when faced with the prospect of NATO and 
the American Navy assuming privileges on the Black Sea? Was it appropriate when 
Kennedy threatened Khrushchev with nuclear war during the Cuban missile crisis? 
Arming the contras? Deposing Arbenz? Allende? Let us not get started.

Here is the thing about Henry. European by background, he understands 
balance-of-power politics cannot be ignored. He understands that spheres of 
influence must be observed. (My view, explained in an earlier column, is that 
they are to be acknowledged but not honored — regrettable realities that our 
century, best outcome, will do away with.)

We reach a new moment in the Ukraine crisis with these new analyses from people 
inside the tent urinating out, as they say. I have hinted previously at the 
lesson to be drawn. Maybe now it will be clearer to those who object.

Whatever one may think of Russia under Vladimir Putin, it is secondary at this 
moment — and more the business of Russians than anyone else — to something 
larger. This is a non-Western nation drawing a line of resistance against the 
advance of Anglo-American neoliberalism across the planet. This counts big, in 
my view. It is an important thing to do.

Some readers argue that Putin oversees a neoliberal regime himself. It is an 
unappealing kind of capitalism, certainly, although the centralization of the 
economy almost certainly reflects Putin’s strategy when faced with the need to 
rebuild urgently from the ungodly mess left by the U.S-beloved Yeltsin. See the 
above-noted piece by Stephen Cohen on this point.

For the sake of argument, let us accept the assertion: Russia is a neoliberal 
variant. O.K., but again, this is a Russian problem and Russians, not 
Americans, will solve it one way or the other — as they like and eventually. 
Important for us is that Putin is not pushing the model around the world, 
chest-out insisting that all others conform to it. This distinction counts, too.

Joseph Brodsky wrote an open letter to Václav Havel 
<http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/1994/feb/17/the-post-communist-nightmare-an-exchange/>
  back in 1994, by which time the neoliberal orthodoxy and its evangelists were 
well-ensconced in Washington. The piece was titled “The Post-Communist 
Nightmare.” In it Brodsky was highly critical of “the cowboys of the Western 
industrial democracies” who, he asserted, “derive enormous moral comfort from 
being regarded as cowboys—first of all, by the Indians.”

“Are all the Indians now to commence imitation of the cowboys,” the Russian 
émigré poet asked the new president of the (also new) Czech Republic.

I view the Ukraine crisis through this lens. A huge mistake has now been 
acknowledged. Now it is time: Instead of complaining about Putin and what he is 
doing to Russians every prompt given, like trained animals, now we must 
complain about what America proposes doing to the rest of the world, 
limitlessly.

Patrick Smith is the author of “Time No Longer: Americans After the American 
Century.” <http://www.amazon.com/dp/0300176562/?tag=saloncom08-20>  He was the 
International Herald Tribune’s bureau chief in Hong Kong and then Tokyo from 
1985 to 1992. During this time he also wrote “Letter from Tokyo” for the New 
Yorker. He is the author of four previous books and has contributed frequently 
to the New York Times, the Nation, the Washington Quarterly, and other 
publications. Follow him on Twitter, @thefloutist. 
<https://twitter.com/thefloutist>  

http://www.salon.com/2014/12/04/new_york_times_propagandists_exposed_finally_the_truth_about_ukraine_and_putin_emerges/

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