EU Won't Open Talks with Serbia without Reversal on Kosovo and Russia Ties


European Union is in no hurry to expand in the Balkans

Gerard Gallucci (Transconflict)

opinion / analysis 1 hour ago | 319 0 
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Pressured to join the sanctions regime

Gerard M. Gallucci is a retired US diplomat and UN official. 

This article originally appeared  
<http://www.eurasiareview.com/13012015-serbia-running-room-kosovo-analysis/> at 
Transconflict

  _____  

The Serbian government is “working intensively” on a new proposal on Kosovo 
<http://www.transconflict.com/category/balkans/kosovo/> . President Nikolic 
says it will not please everyone and may encounter resistance from the Western 
countries that support Kosovo independence.

He also suggested that it would be appropriate for Russia to look for other 
ways to “invest” in Serbia now that President Putin has cancelled the South 
Stream. One might read all this as portending continued refusal to recognize 
Kosovo and reliance on support from Russia.

But Nikolic may simply be trying to raise such a prospect in order to pressure 
Brussels into being more flexible on conditions for beginning EU membership 
talks.

Either way, Serbia faces an existential choice in the next months between 
finally entering Europe or being left out in the cold. Room to avoid such a 
choice may be running out.

Five factors are key to understanding Serbia’s strategic situation:

1.      Serbia’s economic future depends on actively moving toward EU 
membership. Nikolic admits it is “a matter of survival.” Indeed, Serbia must 
become a genuine free-market economy able to compete globally and thus create 
jobs. To do so, it requires substantial investment and technical assistance.

2.      Russia cannot provide the help Serbia needs. Russian “investment” 
usually means putting resources into the hands of its oligarchs. It does not 
develop economies. While Russia may provide political support on Kosovo in the 
UN Security Council, Putin doesn’t really care about Serbia. For him it’s 
chiefly a tool to tweak the West.

3.      The EU – led by Berlin – will not offer any flexibility on conditions 
for beginning membership talks. The main reason has nothing to do with Serbia 
per se. The EU remains in economic and financial crisis. It – and especially 
the Germans – are in no hurry to add to the problems with a new needy member.

4.      However the Germans spin the Kosovo recognition question from 
day-to-day, the bottom line remains that real progress on “normalization” with 
Pristina is necessary before opening EU chapters. The German ambassador to 
Belgrade has called for “full implementation” of the Brussels accords, making 
clear that the focus must be on bringing the northern Serbs firmly into Kosovo 
institutions by integrating the judiciary and forming the Serb community of 
municipalities.

5.      The EU is not pleased with Serbia’s Russia policy. As long as this was 
simply traditional Slavic solidarity over Kosovo it might be accepted as 
unavoidable. But Europe – especially Germany – is not happy with Russia and 
with being forced to apply sanctions against its own economic interests. No EU 
member would be happy with a sanctions cheater. Thus the additional 
requirement, before membership talks can be opened, for Serbian “alignment” on 
foreign policy.

The EU has laid down firm requirements for Serbia to move forward – accepting 
now the de facto loss of Kosovo (formal recognition later) and curtailing 
support for Putin: Do this and begin entering Europe, resist and remain outside.

Serbia’s leadership probably understands the situation better than anyone.

Thus, perhaps, President Nikolic taking the lead to elaborating a new approach. 
While cautioning that no one should expect a “sensational recognition,” the 
President may have been given the job – as a matter of overriding national 
interest – of tabling an approach to meeting the EU conditions.

The way forward remains what it has always been: to use the Ahtisaari Plan – as 
elaborated through the Brussels agreements with Pristina – to complete the 
placement of Kosovo’s Serbs into Kosovo institutions in a status neutral 
manner. Serbia would only gain, as would all of Kosovo’s people, by bringing 
the Kosovo Serbs into Pristina’s political mix.

In turn, Belgrade might insist on EU support on specific practical issues 
central to Kosovo Serbs: the judiciary and the Serb community of 
municipalities. Integrating the judiciary could lead to efforts by Kosovo 
Albanians to “return” in the north through pressing for “legal rights.” The 
northerners will resist any such effort as threatening to change the ethnic 
balance of their communities.

Before bringing the northern courts into the Kosovo-wide system, the Europeans 
(and US) should make a determined effort to settle all property claims – 
Kosovo-wide – so that all the displaced are compensated and helped to remain 
where they now live.

Belgrade also could insist that the Quint ensure that Pristina accepts the 
Ahtisaari Plan elements 
<http://www.transconflict.com/2011/11/ahtisaari-plan-north-kosovo-011/>  for an 
Association of Kosovo Serb Municipalities with a decision-making body (and on 
ensuring Kosovo Serbs get their fair share of central funding without 
unnecessary obstacles).

But Belgrade has little choice but to work with the EU and find ways to move 
forward.

  _____  

A previous version of this article appeared in Serbia's Vecernje novosti 
<http://www.novosti.rs/vesti/naslovna/politika/aktuelno.289.html:527226-Dzerard-Galuci-Putin-Srbijom-stipa-Zapad>
 .

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