History, traditions 
How the return of Crimea to Russia averted a pan-European War
19.03.2015   By Wong Syuh-jeun   The Crimea peninsula has been inhabited by 
various tribal groups over the past millennium. Indigenous inhabitants were 
typically displaced either through peaceful infiltration or military conquest, 
by the arrival of a new tribe. Military conquest often results in brutal 
expulsion or extermination of the indigenous population. In the mid-10th 
century CE, Crimea was brought briefly under the control of the Kievan Rus' 
principality. However, over the next 200 years, the control of Crimea was 
"lost" to successive invading tribes from Central East Asia. The evolutionary 
spreading of the Kievan Rus' culture was then confined essentially to 
territories above the northwestern reaches of the Dnepr River. From early 16th 
Century CE to late 18th Century CE, Crimea was ruled largely as a tributary 
principality of the Ottoman Empire. Substantial arrival of the Slavic people 
began when Crimea was annexed officially by Russia in 1783, as the political 
power of the Ottoman Empire started to fade irreversibly. At that time, the 
differentiation of Ukrainian ethnicity and Russian ethnicity has yet to be 
fully formed. After the 1917 Russian Revolution, Crimea was governed variously 
as an oblast of Russia, an autonomous republic inside the USSR, and an 
autonomous republic inside the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic 
(RSFSR). Because of its strategic military importance, Sevastopol located in 
the southwestern region of the Crimean peninsula had always been organized as a 
separate governing entity since its founding as a military outpost in 1783. 
Interestingly, Sevastopol (as well as the entire Crimean peninsula) was subject 
to several invasions and occupation by expeditionary military forces from 
western Europe under various casus belli since the mid-19thCentury CE, viz., in 
1853-1856 (the vainglorious "Charge of the Light Brigade") led by Britain and 
France to contest the influence of the Romanov Empire in the Black Sea region, 
in 1918-1920 led again by Britain and France to destroy the newly-established 
Bolshevik Russia, and in 1941-1944 by the Third Reich to advance its Lebensraum 
ideology.Insane moment of Nikita Khrushchev         In 1954, CPSU First 
Secretary Nikita Khrushchev successfully engineered the transfer of 
administrative control of Crimea and Sevastopol from the RSFSR to the Ukrainian 
Soviet Socialist Republic. In this undertaking, Khrushchev may have had an 
insane moment of frivolous expression of "best friend forever", or a nefarious 
design for the consolidation of personal political power. The exact status of 
Sevastopol was never fully clarified in the transfer as there was no sign then 
that the USSR would ever end to cause a future intractable dispute of its 
ownership. At the time of the transfer, majority of the citizens of Crimea (as 
well as Sevastopol) was Russian speakers. After the demise of the USSR in 1991, 
there was significant growing sentiment in the Autonomous Republic of Crimea 
(within the new Ukraine) for separation to form a new independent polity or to 
unite with the Russia Federation.The separatist unrest finally reached a climax 
during early 2014 when the Ukrainian Presidency of Viktor Yanukovych was 
overthrown by escalating street mob violence in Kiev. Substantiated evidence is 
now emerging that this coup d'etat was fostered by the NATO-EU Axis in its 
broader plan of military encirclement of Russia. The earlier idée fixe of NATO 
dedicating to the destruction of communism has transmuted into one aiming to 
achieve full-spectrum global hegemony for privileged corporate commerce. 
President Yanukovych was wavering in the way of this geopolitical design. The 
seemingly unruly masses in Kiev were enticed aggressively with promises of 
guided democracy and bountiful EU largesse. The official reason for the ouster 
was (and still is) that President Yanukovych was ineffective and exceedingly 
corrupt. But in a cursory analysis, Yanukovych was probably no worst and no 
better than any of his predecessors in the presidential office; they all had 
failed Ukraine miserably.Interestingly, support of aggressive anti-Russia 
policies of the newly installed regime suddenly emerged among many members of 
the existing Verkhovna Rada, immediately after the departure of President 
Yanukovych. There was obviously an opportunity for these members to get rich 
quickly with inflowing cash transfer from the NATO-EU Axis. Although the 
fateful plan to abrogate traditional Russian culture and language rights 
throughout Ukraine was never pursued by the newly-installed Kiev regime, the 
announcement of intent was sufficient to invigorate the simmering separatist 
mood in Crimea and Sevastopol.It has been reported recently (see, for example, 
here and here) in the news media that President Putin had met with his national 
security advisors during the final days of the Yanukovych regime to assess the 
appropriate feasible course of defensive action. For correct alignment with 
prevailing domestic politics, many foreign news media have purposely chosen to 
insinuate that the Putin meeting confirmed the existence of a long-standing 
sinister Russian plot to reunite with Crimea. It is generally recognized that 
such a deliberation is very normal during time of national crisis, for a 
government anywhere in the World. Like most other countries, Russia probably 
has many contingency action plans in archival storage for decades. Mock war 
games have always been the favourite pursuit of military planners everywhere. 
The substantial apprehension of the majority Russian-speaking Crimean 
population had provided the real-time reason to consider a plan to return 
Crimea and Sevastopol to Russia immediately. The subsequent referendum in 
Crimea and Sevastopol confirms the overwhelming popular support for 
reunification with Russia.President Putin had saved Russia and EuropeEqually 
important for Russia was the fate of the vast Sevastopol naval base of its 
Black Sea fleet after the coup d'etat in Kiev. It may be noted that since 1991, 
the divided physical assets of the Black Sea fleet as well as the naval base 
have been used jointly and without significant animosity by both Russia and 
Ukraine.  Although the extension of the lease of the Sevastopol naval base to 
Russia to 2042 was ratified by the Verkhovna Rada in 2010, Russia was placed in 
a very precarious strategic position with the sudden fall of the Yanukovych 
Presidency. This long-term lease could be annulled unilaterally and abruptly by 
a new anti-Russian ruling regime in Kiev, with the veiled threat of military 
enforcement by the NATO-EU Axis. In essence, Russia could be evicted summarily 
without recourse from its leased Sevastopol naval base. Previously agreed 
international laws, treaties, contracts and obligations have no practical 
standing in realpolitiks. Replacement of the Sevastopol naval base at another 
Black Sea location would have been very costly and lengthy for Russia. As a 
critical element of its strategic defence against encirclement, Russia could 
never relinquish its control of the leased Sevastopol naval base, even under 
direct military threat. It follows logically that a pre-emptive rapid move to 
return Crimea as well as Sevastopol to Russia was the only course of action 
available to President Putin. The correct presidential order was to deploy all 
means for achieving this goal expeditiously. Until the February, 2014 coup 
d'etat in Kiev, there was no opportunity, and there was no motive for 
"annexing" Crimea and Sevastopol.What if Russia had not acted decisively to 
recover Crimea and Sevastopol, in view of the evolving conditions of increasing 
political uncertainties in Kiev? The near-term goal of the Axis would still be 
the eviction of Russia from the Sevastopol naval base. Periodic military 
harassments and skirmishes would surely be instigated within the Sevastopol 
naval base. As Ukraine is not an official member of NATO or the EU, the 
unbridled use of unsuspecting Ukrainian conscripts as cannon fodder for these 
adventurous activities would be considered low risk by the leadership of the 
Axis. This calculation is of course absurd as there is definitely a great 
danger that these inadvertent incidents could degenerate into a wider 
pan-European war. Indeed the preposterous belief of a Russian military invasion 
of Ukraine could suddenly become reality through a series of "accidental" 
provocations in the environment of increasing bellicosity of the Axis. Recall 
how the march to World War I could not be stopped by political regimes of all 
sides under similar circumstances during the summer of 1914. The outcome was 
the tragic loss of many millions of young lives needlessly in the ensuing 
4-year war of attrition. With Crimea and Sevastopol returned fully to Russia, 
there are now much less opportunities for the Ukrainian proxy for mischievous 
provocations.In retrospect, if the Yanukoych regime had not been ousted 
summarily and if the bellicosity of the assembled Kievan mob-like masses had 
not been so virulent, Crimea and Sevastopol might have remained integral parts 
of Ukraine today, albeit with their continuing "suppressible" agitation for 
independence. What has gone awry was the over-reaching of the latest 
expeditionary adventure of the Axis to unleash rabid anti-Russia sentiment 
which has been harbouring among a small ultra-nationalistic segment of the 
Ukrainian population. In a desperate attempt to salvage its considerable cash 
investment in the misadventure, the Axis is even contemplating an escalation of 
the already mutually-destructive economic war against Russia. It is stubborn 
madness.In time, the return of Crimea and Sevastopol to Russia with little or 
no loss of human lives could be viewed positively by historians as a fortuitous 
event in which a quasi-proxy shooting war was averted. President Putin had 
saved Russia and Europe.Wong Syuh-jeun Singapore

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