sputniknews.com
<https://sputniknews.com/europe/201904201074294920-yugoslavia-bombing-nato-o
peration-war/>  


What's in a Name? For Some Yugoslavia Bombing Was Operation, For Others a
War


Sputnik

5-7 minutes

  _____  

Serbia marked the 20th anniversary of the NATO bombings in March, but even
such a long period of "endurance" was not enough for the country to end the
disputes about what it really was: an intervention, an aggression, an
operation or a war.

As well as put an end to the controversy whether it was possible to do
anything to prevent this "operation" and whether it is possible to do
something now to restore justice.

Boris Krivokapic, Professor at the Department of Law at Union Nikola Tesla
University <https://www.fpb.edu.rs/>  in Belgrade and a foreign member of
the Russian Academy of Sciences, in an interview with
<https://rs.sputniknews.com/godisnjica-agresije/201903311119321243-agresorsk
i-manevar-boris-krivokapic-/?utm_source=short_direct&utm_medium=short_url&ut
m_content=mdrV&utm_campaign=URL_shortening>  Sputnik tried to answer all
these questions.

The professor explained that when influential members of the international
community attack someone from among less influential representatives, they
avoid calling their actions a war, and that's no surprise.

READ MORE: Twenty Years on: The
<https://sputniknews.com/europe/201902081072258716-conference-yugoslavia-bom
bing/> "Peace Conference" That Resulted in Bombing of Yugoslavia



C AP Photo / U.S. Air Force, Msgt. Keith Reed

According to Mr Krivokapic, the sources behind the naming of armed invasions
of foreign territories can be found in the history of the perception of war
and its legitimacy, experienced by mankind. He recalled that in the past,
countries had an unconditional right to wage war.

This right was one of the attributes of their sovereignty, but after World
War I this right was limited, while after World War II, not only the use of
force was prohibited, but also the threat of its use. The possible instances
for the use of force were narrowed down to self-defence and collective
measures against an aggressor state, as provided for by the UN Charter.

"This is why 'major players' don't like to call a spade a spade. For them,
this is a campaign, an operation. Because if they declare that they have
launched a war against anyone they would become the aggressors. Many have
already forgotten about it, but the UN is actually a collective security
system, an organisation designed to come to the aid of a victim of a
aggression. But in the Security Council, which was supposed to deem what was
happening as an aggression, the aggressors themselves occupied key seats -
three of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council: the United
States, France, and the United Kingdom participated in the intervention", Mr
Krivokapic reminded.

Back in 1999, he published a book called "NATO aggression against Yugoslavia
- power beyond the law" (NATO agresija na Jugoslaviju <https://qps.ru/CLRol>
- sila iznad prava). In it he recalled that in November 1999 he had taken
part in a conference on international law in Spain and his colleagues from
Western countries, including Americans from Harvard, had acknowledged that
the bombing of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia was an act of aggression.

READ MORE: 20 Years On: Timeline of
<https://sputniknews.com/europe/201903251073490910-nato-war-yugoslavia-aggre
ssion/>  NATO's War Against Yugoslavia

The expert noted that Yugoslavia 20 years ago could have sought solutions,
referring to UN Security Council Resolution 82, adopted in 1950 in relation
to the Korean War. It provides for the possibility of transferring Security
Council's authority to the General Assembly. The General Assembly could,
according to Krivokapic, have taken some measures, but there was no
political will.

The professor noted that over the past 20 years a lot has changed for the
better for Serbia and the situation continues to evolve:

"We no longer live in a unipolar world with a single centre of power in
charge, now the great powers control each other, and this state of affairs
is in the interest of the whole world".

 

C AP Photo / str

As for the stream of comments that Serbia should actively collect evidence
in order to lodge a claim against NATO, Krivokapic, noted that no evidence
is needed here: just the fact that NATO began this operation is sufficient
evidence of aggression.

"Our people are for the most part skeptical of international law, they
wonder, 'how could this happen to us?' But life in general is unfair. Many
things in international relations 'work' well, but there are also instances
when the norms of international law are grossly violated, this is exactly
what happened to us", the expert said.

A lawsuit against the alliance, according to the professor, is an
unrealistic scenario, although in theory Serbia could have filed one with
the International Court of Justice.

READ MORE: Depleted Uranium, Chlorine and Hydrochloric Acid: Yugoslav
Witnesses
<https://sputniknews.com/europe/201903281073591903-uranium-nato-bombings/> '
'Toxic' Memories of NATO Bombings

"The special nature of this court is in the fact that it deals with only
claims made by one state against another state, and in order for both
parties to start the proceedings, the consent of the party against which the
lawsuit is filed is required. That is, we, of course, can file a lawsuit
against the United States, but they can say that they do not want to 'play
this game with us'. Another option is to file lawsuits against the states
that participated in the bombings in our own courts, but this way we will
not achieve any justice and only ruin relations with them. The third
possibility is that people can lodge individual complaints with the European
Court for Human Rights, but even in this case we most likely will not
achieve much success. Only one last option, obviously destined to fail,
remains - to file lawsuits against NATO member countries in their courts",
Krivokapic concluded.

By Natasa Milosavljevic

 

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