chroniclesmagazine.org 
<https://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/blog/the-end-of-the-oil-age-is-upon-us/?fbclid=IwAR1keOipZhfM9grro0GbYhQXCSLESOpiGhEIvoq94dpXE7MKl5KN0SIRTOk>
  


The End of the Oil Age Is Upon Us


By Srdja Trifkovic

7-9 minutes

  _____  

Four weeks ago I posted an article examining some likely geopolitical 
implications of the COVID-19 epidemic 
<https://www.chroniclesmagazine.org/blog/a-peek-at-the-post-covid-world/> . The 
first among those concerned attempts by major oil producers to halt the 
collapse of prices by agreeing to the largest production cut in history. I 
noted that it was uncertain whether the agreement would be enough to push the 
prices back to their pre-March level, considering the rapid decline in demand 
due to global lockdowns.

That conclusion, as we can now see, was wholly inadequate to express the 
magnitude of the oversupply crisis. A week after my piece was posted, the price 
of a barrel of West Texas Intermediate Crude (WTI) for May delivery briefly 
went into negative territory, reflecting an acute lack of storage for barrels 
of oil no longer needed by a quarantined economy.

While that historic price drop was a fluke, it may reflect a fundamental shift 
in the oil market that is not temporary.

My hunch is that we are now on the verge of a major energy reset, comparable to 
the shift from coal to oil a century ago. One key milestone in that earlier 
shift was the decision by the U.S. and British navies to convert their 
dreadnaught burners on the eve of the Great War.

Today’s oil market has been struggling for a long while. Current prices have 
recovered to around $30 a barrel, which is a decline of roughly 50 percent from 
a year earlier. Right now we are witnessing the remarkable combination of 
rapidly declining demand, vanishing storage capacity, and reduced production. 
The recovery is uncertain and the historic market rules may no longer apply, 
such as the rule that low prices are the cure for low prices, as an increase in 
demand would follow—were there normal times.

The pandemic has caused deep and possibly irreversible changes in living, 
working, and shopping habits all over the developed world. In the past, low oil 
and fuel prices had encouraged people to travel more. This time, they may not 
go back to the roads and skies en masse when it is all over. Many businesses 
have seen that remote working works better, especially financial services, 
insurance, media and IT. E-commerce had started doing the same for remote 
shopping well before the epidemic, but the process is now well advanced. Some 
studies suggest that reducing road trips by up to a third may become the new 
normal in metropolitan areas.

As for flying, corporate executives and senior bureaucrats on both sides of the 
Atlantic are increasingly comfortable with videoconferencing and other forms of 
communication technology. This makes their physical presence in a remote 
location only marginally useful, especially when matched against the cost and 
time. Reduced supply chains will reduce the need for onsite inspections in 
remote foreign provinces. Even the partial return to self-reliance, let alone 
autarky, will cut down freight distances and volume.

The new normal may be $25 to $30 a barrel. If so, the consequences for many 
countries would be dire. Russia and the smaller Gulf monarchies may have 
sufficient reserves of liquidity to endure. This is especially so if they can 
rely on natural gas, which may rise 
<https://www.rigzone.com/news/natural_gas_prices_could_double_next_year-15-may-2020-162100-article/>
  to well over $3/MMBtu next winter.

Not so Saudi Arabia, which has failed in its long-heralded plan to diversify 
its economy. The desert kingdom’s kleptocratic regime depends on two pillars: 
its ability to buy social peace at home with oil-financed subsidies, and the 
readiness of the U.S. military to continue underwriting the rule of the House 
of Saud. In Washington’s view, Saudi Arabia has broken the basic deal 
<https://oilprice.com/Geopolitics/Middle-East/Oil-Price-War-Puts-Entire-Kingdom-Of-Saudi-Arabia-At-Risk.html>
  established in 1945 between FDR and then-Saudi King Abdulaziz, as Simon 
Watkins, a seasoned industry analyst, pointed out a few days ago:

The deal was that the U.S. would receive all of the oil supplies it needed…in 
return for which the U.S. would guarantee the security of the ruling House of 
Saud. This has subsequently altered slightly to ensure that Saudi Arabia also 
allows the U.S. shale industry to continue to function and to grow. If this 
means that Saudi Arabia loses out to U.S. shale producers by keeping oil prices 
up but losing out on export opportunities to U.S. firms then that is just the 
price that the House of Saud must pay for the continued protection of the 
U.S.—politically, economically, and militarily.

Now that this trust has been broken with Saudi attempts to undermine the U.S. 
shale oil industry, all options are on the table. A while back, President Trump 
warned the Saudi royals specifically that they would not last in power for two 
weeks without the backing of the U.S. military. This is true, which provides 
him with a splendid opportunity to recalibrate the relationship with Saudi 
Arabia, which is the global hub of promoting and financing Islamic extremism. 
No meaningful partnership is possible for as long as the nature of its regime 
remains unchanged. Trump has been blinded from this realization by his 
obsession with Iran, which in reality poses no serious threat to the U.S. By 
contrast, the extremist Wahhabist sect of Saudi Arabia is alive and well and 
continues to pose a threat to the world of the “infidel” West, which they call 
Dar al-Harb, or the “domain of war.”

Of course, if there is no price recovery there will be oil-based economies 
which may sink into chaos and anarchy. In Africa, Nigeria with its 200 million 
people would face uncertain future and possible disintegration, as its 
government battles Islamic insurgency in the north and renewed separatism in 
the south. Iraq’s new government would face insurmountable budgetary obstacles; 
Iran is on the verge of bankruptcy, and Venezuela is well beyond it.

All of which may be regrettable but unavoidable. Most of the Middle East had 
been irrelevant in the global geopolitical calculus before oil became important 
in the 1930s, and then very important indeed after World War II. It should 
revert to where it rightfully belongs in civilizational, geostrategic, and 
cultural terms. In the long term, exporting technology to Riyad is as 
unpromising as “exporting democracy” outside of the framework of ideas that 
sustain it. These ideas, in the case of the West, are rooted back into the 
history of the polis of Greece, the Scriptures, the heresy of the 
Enlightenment, the notion of liberty, of individual responsibility resulting 
from the existence of individual free will, of collective creativity embodied 
in the rendering of classical symphonies and the launching of space missions.

The predominant response in the Muslim world to the crisis caused by oil’s 
demise will be the demand for more “Islamic solutions.” So be it. Generations 
of urban modernizers in the oil-rich Middle Eastern countries have failed to 
“sell” the Western blueprint to their compatriots, not only as a source of 
consumer durables and life-saving medicines but also as a desirable social and 
political model. At long last, the United States will have no business 
intervening to prevent the establishment of Sharia in some remote desert 
wasteland. There is another benefit to the prospect. All over the Islamic world 
there still prevails the deep belief that our civilization is on its last legs. 
After COVID-19, with more stringent immigration controls along the 
Mediterranean shores, and with oil-based sources of revenue drying up, perhaps 
the West will no longer be seen as “a candy store with the busted lock.” That 
would be a good thing. Making sure that the lock is indeed hard and 
impenetrable would be even better.

While it is hard to imagine the end of the oil age, it is even harder to 
imagine that it will not happen in the years to come. And I do mean years—not 
decades.

 

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