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As Key Elections Loom, Will Montenegro Be The Next Belarus?


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6-8 minutes

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Picturesque Montenegro is home to some ugly politics. Source: Wikimedia Commons 

As the world looks in despair at the crisis in Belarus, its re-occurrence may 
only be around the corner. On the fringes of Europe lies another electoral 
tinderbox, where voter manipulation is rife and toleration of dissent mild. 
Nestled in the Western Balkans, Montenegro goes to polls to select its next 
parliament on the 29th of August. 

Its path to the ballot box bears strikingly resemblance to that of Belarus. 
Both leaders have occupied the top seat of their respective nations since the 
early ’90s. 

Former Soviet collective farm boss Alexander Lukashenko became President in 
Belarus’ first election in 1994. Milo Djukanovic, a young leader of the League 
of communists, became Prime Minister of Montenegro in 1991 – then part of the 
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

Nearly thirty years later, protest movements have been sustained throughout the 
former Soviet and Yugoslavian republics for months before their elections.

In Belarus, demonstrators flooded the streets carrying slippers, needed – they 
said – to “Stop the Cockroach”. In Montenegro, tens of thousands turned out 
weekly to protest a law that many believe would lead to state seizure of the 
property of the Serbian Orthodox Church, whom the majority of the nation 
identify with.

In neither country did the government offer serious dialogue to diffuse 
tensions. One movement has gone through an electoral breaking point; the other 
approaches its next week. 

Oppositions similarly have been undermined and harassed at each step. 
Lukashenko locked up his most serious challenger before the election; the 
leader of the coalition opposition in Montenegro has been languishing in jail 
since 2018.

Neither does civil society have any space to make grievances heard. In fact, 
the Orthodox Church was the last independent pillar around which any opposition 
could coalesce in Montenegro.

But despite plainly being the cause of instability, both leaders like to tell 
those that will still listen a story: that they are surrounded by hostile and 
nefarious forces, that foreign actors are scheming to undermine their nation’s 
sovereignty, and that they alone are the defender able to stand against these 
winds. It is a playbook seen in many elections across the world. Yet Lukashenko 
and Djukanovic appear to be reading from the same edition. 

Lukashenko claimed to discover Russian mercenaries planning a coup in the week 
before the poll. Remarkably, Djukanovic uncovered a similar plot in the last 
parliamentary election, where agents were supposedly going to storm parliament 
and assassinate the protector of Montenegro himself. Plotters were arrested – 
conspicuously – on the day of the vote.

The coincidence is that these schemes only materialize around an election. It 
is surprising – to say the least – that foreign forces would choose one of the 
few times these countries receive global media attention to launch a covert 
operation. 

Few believed Lukashenko’s Russian mercenary story. Fewer still believe 
Djukanovic’s latest tale: that 235 agents of the Serbian security services are 
apparently on the territory of Montenegro in the build-up to the election. This 
was reported in a video in which each operative was individually revealed 
alongside their photo.

Given Djukanovic dismissed the recent religious protests as a front for Greater 
Serbian ideology, this latest conspiracy should surprise no one. The story has 
been widely ridiculed, with journalists 
<http://www.hraction.org/2016/10/19/18102016-hra-condemns-threat-to-journalist-sinisa-lukovic-and-decision-of-the-basic-state-prosecutors-office-in-kotor-to-qualify-it-as-misdemeanour/?lang=en>
  who have investigated government links to organized crime featuring among the 
operatives. Citizens have begun photo shopping their faces on the report with 
the heading “I am an agent”. 

But when fewer believe – both voters and international onlookers – strongmen 
often turn to their last option: fixing the election. Yet greater manipulation 
begets greater tension once results are announced. This is the situation 
Belarus is now living through.

BIRN – one of the few media units run by the president’s cronies –has also 
discovered widespread manipulations ahead of Montenegro’s vote. After 
investigating the electoral roll, over 50,000 voters have been exposed as 
phantoms; over half of the names were listed without a valid address.

Further evidence has surfaced in recent days. New voting cards have been 
printed for citizens from other Balkan nations, including Croatia, Albania and 
Kosovo. Neither their names nor the dates of birth have been changed from their 
voting cards in their respective countries. These and other instances of 
pre-electoral fraud ratchet up tensions ahead of results day. 

Belarus is in freefall. Any exit from the crisis is looking increasingly messy. 
It doesn’t have to be the same in Montenegro.

Unlike Lukashenko, Djukanovic has moved from hard-line communist to acquire the 
trappings of a progressive (though the reality may be otherwise; he wears the 
politics required to extend his rule). In fact, he has staked his presidency on 
gaining membership to the EU, pledging in the 2016 parliamentary election to 
achieve it within a term. 

This hasn’t happened. The European Union must make clear that electoral 
malfeasance will freeze its candidature – at least until he again stands for 
President in two years’ time. Here, the EU has leverage that it lacks in 
Belarus. They must use it to prevent another electoral crisis in Europe.

L. Todd Wood is a former special operations helicopter pilot, graduate of the 
U.S. Air Force Academy and currently a writer, a publisher and a journalist. 


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