nationalinterest.org
<https://nationalinterest.org/feature/submarine-row-marks-dawn-franco-britis
h-rivalry-194244>  


The Submarine Row Marks the Dawn of the Franco-British Rivalry


by Ali Demirdas

7-9 minutes

  _____  

"It's a stab in the back. We had established a trusting relationship with
Australia, and this trust was betrayed," French Foreign Affairs Minister
Jean-Yves Le Drian said
<https://www.politico.eu/article/france-slams-australia-us-e50b-submarine-de
al/>  upon the abrupt cancellation of the $66 billion submarine deal with
Australia. Furious, Paris reciprocated by recalling its ambassadors from
Canberra and Washington-a first
<https://www.nytimes.com/2021/09/17/world/europe/france-ambassador-recall-us
-australia.html>  in the history of the long alliance between France and the
United States, dating back to 1778. 

Some argue
<https://thediplomat.com/2021/09/australia-dumps-french-submarine-deal-for-u
s-nuclear-fleet/>  that the decision to favor the U.S.-made nuclear
submarines was partially due to the perception that French-made
diesel-powered submarines on long transits from Australia to potential
conflict zones in the Asian region would have to spend time traveling on the
surface (where they are at their most vulnerable) using diesel engines while
they recharge their batteries. Some claim
<https://www.smh.com.au/politics/federal/defence-confirms-60-per-cent-of-sub
marine-project-will-be-spent-in-australia-20210303-p577fc.html>  the cost
blowouts, schedule slippages, and concerns over commitments to use local
contractors led Australia's Morrison government to finally pull the plug on
the French submarine deal. While those can be contributing factors in the
"submarine saga," a very important factor is being omitted: London's
aspiration, in the aftermath of Brexit, to ascend in the Great Power
Competition that is rapidly reshaping the global geopolitical order. After
all, British prime minister Boris Johnson promoted
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/09/18/submarines-france-australia
-britain/>  Britain's departure from the European Union as an opportunity
for the country to strike more global strategic deals unrestrained by the
EU. 

To this end, the UK is trying to achieve three goals: preventing a European
power from rising as a challenger to London, preventing Russia from
dominating the Eastern Mediterranean, and preventing China from controlling
the Indo-Pacific trade routes that are vital for Britain's economic
prosperity. Not surprisingly, those three pillars are intertwined and
involve London's power struggle with Paris.  

The Franco-British rivalry is most visible in the eastern Mediterranean.
London has taken every possible step to undermine Paris' perceived national
interest, particularly in Libya, thus weakening France's prospects of
becoming a dominant power in the European Union in the UK's absence. In this
regard, the British have sided with Turkey, France's archrival in Libya and
the eastern Mediterranean. Subsequently, France did not hesitate to irk the
British by pursuing a policy of rapprochement
<https://www.france24.com/en/20200626-macron-confident-of-progress-in-russia
-ties-after-libya-talks-with-putin>  with the Russians in Libya. 

London's aide in the EU, after Brexit, is Malta. Malta
<https://www.iemed.org/publication/the-british-presence-in-the-mediterranean
-post-brexit/> , one of the two British Commonwealth and European Union
members (the other being Cyprus), was an intercessor in the Brexit
negotiations and has been a port of call for Royal Navy patrols in transit
to and from the Gulf, the Horn of Africa, and the Indo-Pacific. In May 2020,
it was Malta that vetoed
<https://www.maltatoday.com.mt/news/europe/102202/malta_withdraw_eu_naval_mi
ssion_irini_veto_spending>  the funding for Operation IRINI, the EU naval
mission tasked to enforce an arms embargo in Libya, particularly those arms
that Turkey intended to deliver to its proxy, the Government of the National
Accord (GNA), and the archrival of the French-backed Libyan warlord Khalifa
Haftar
<https://nationalinterest.org/feature/congress-should-sanction-libyan-warlor
d-and-us-citizen-khalifa-haftar-193883> . 

Malta <https://greekcitytimes.com/2020/10/19/eu-sanctions-against-turkey/>
was also among the five countries, with the others being Germany, Spain,
Italy, and Hungary, who blocked a Franco-Greek sponsored EU resolution that
would have imposed an arms embargo on Turkey due to Ankara's policies on
Cyprus and drilling in the eastern Mediterranean. Furthermore, in an effort
to counter Turkey's growing influence in the region, France has stood
<https://english.alarabiya.net/News/world/2021/07/21/France-says-it-stands-w
ith-Cyprus-after-Turkish-move-to-reopen-Varosha>  by the Cypriot Greeks, and
in August 2020 went so far as to send
<https://www.ft.com/content/465ba697-451f-4601-b1a7-02eca6680edc>  naval
vessels off the coast of Cyprus as well as deploy
<https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-53767792>  Rafale fighters jets to
the Greek island of Crete. Yet, Johnson called
<https://www.gov.uk/government/news/pm-call-with-prime-minister-of-greece-20
-october-2020>  Greek prime minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis and urged him to
pursue a more diplomatic solution, indirectly supporting Turkey's "gunboat
diplomacy <https://time.com/5884397/turkey-greece-tensions/> ." Whereas
France sees an ascendant Turkey in Syria as a threat and has condemned
Turkey's Syria incursions, London threw
<https://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/2019/10/14/britain-accused-putting-trade-d
eals-condemnation-turkey/>  its support behind Ankara, citing Turkey
<https://www.aa.com.tr/en/europe/uk-government-responds-to-committee-report-
on-pyd-ypg/1124013> 's right to self-defense. While Macron hosted the
representatives of the Syrian Kurdish People's Protection Units (YPG) at the
Elysee Palace, drawing Turkey's ire, London stated
<https://www.aa.com.tr/en/europe/uk-aware-of-links-between-pkk-and-pyd-ypg/1
026755>  that the YPG was part of the Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK), which is
considered to be a terrorist organization by many NATO members.  

Even though French interests were hurt in Libya, Syria, and the South
Caucasus, London continued to supply
<https://www.theguardian.com/news/2019/nov/27/revealed-uk-technology-turkey-
rise-global-drone-power>  Turkish drones with necessary technology at a time
when American and Canadian firms imposed an arms embargo on Turkey. Most
notably, in May 2020, Turkish drones and air defense systems helped the
Turkish-backed GNA government retake nearly all of western Libya from
Haftar's forces.

The Franco-British rivalry also flared up in the English Channel. In May
2021, Johnson didn't hesitate to dispatch
<https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2021/may/05/uk-hits-back-at-french-thre
at-to-cut-jerseys-electricity-supply>  two Royal Navy patrol boats to
protect Jersey (the largest channel island) from a feared blockade by French
fishing vessels in an escalation of a dispute over post-Brexit access to
waters around the Channel Islands. France retaliated
<https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/brexit-france-uk-fishing-fin
ance-b1846801.html>  by blocking a post-Brexit financial services deal
between the EU and the UK until Johnson's government granted fishermen fair
access to British waters. French government spokesman Gabriel Attal did not
deny that Paris was holding up the deal for the financial sector as a lever
in the fishing dispute. 

By leaving the European Union, London has severed the "restraining yokes,"
allowing its leap into the great power competition that is rapidly heating
up. For the UK, this competition entails containing the rise of any
continental European power, most notably France. It appears that London is
sabotaging France's moves wherever it can. Soaring Turco-British relations,
for instance, not only facilitate London's ability to project power deep
into the Caucasus and Central Asia, but also helps the British undermine
France's perceived interests that greatly contradict those of the Turks.

It should be no surprise that Australia's decision to ditch the submarine
deal with France came hours after the declaration that the United States,
the UK, and Australia formed a security pact (AUKUS
<https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-58540808> ) to counter China in the
Pacific. Mark Leonard, director of the European Council on Foreign
Relations, said
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2021/09/18/submarines-france-australia
-britain/> , "the submarine snub is a symptom of a toxic turn British-French
relations have taken in the last few years." Increasingly rendered impotent
in the eastern Mediterranean, Sub-Saharan Africa, and the Sahel, Paris is
likely going to take steps to restore its wounded pride, with severe
consequences. The French have already been questioning the purpose of being
a part of NATO, and the submarine issue has given them a concrete reason to
revise France's place in the Transatlantic alliance, just like Paris did in
1966. Having already cozied up with Russia in the eastern Mediterranean,
Paris should be expected to increase its intimacy with Moscow, which is more
than enough to damage the foundations of NATO, raising concerns among
Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Georgia. Given his slumping
<https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/marine-le-pen-closes-gap-with-macron-in-
polls-nqdnfp7kl>  performance against his political rival, populist Marine
Le Pen, who has close ties
<https://www.ft.com/content/010eec62-30b5-11e7-9555-23ef563ecf9a>  with
Vladimir Putin, Emmanuel Macron may resort to taking drastic steps in
foreign policy.   

Europe is increasingly resembling what it was before 1939. Whether AUKUS is
going to trigger a wider conflict in Eurasia has yet to be seen.

Ali Demirdas, Ph.D. in political science from the University of South
Carolina, Fulbright scholar, professor of international affairs at the
College of Charleston (2011-2018). You can follow him on Twitter
@DrDemirdasEn 

Image: Reuters.

 

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