trtworld.com 
<https://www.trtworld.com/magazine/alexander-vucic-s-victory-what-is-next-for-serbia-56357>
  


Alexander Vucic’s victory: What is next for Serbia?


TRTWorld

6-8 minutes

  _____  


It was like choosing the lesser of two evils for many Serbians.


On April 3, the incumbent Serbian President Alexander Vucic succeeded in 
winning almost 60 percent 
<https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/serbians-go-polls-pick-president-parliament-amid-ukraine-war-2022-04-03/>
  of the votes in the presidential election. Remaining in power for another 
five years means he must deal with the region’s burning issues.

Once a member of the ultra-nationalist Radical Party, in 2008, Vucic founded 
the Serbian Progressive Party, a conservative and pro-European party. Then, 
Vucic, step by step, climbed the ladders of power. He took office as minister 
of defence, deputy premier, prime minister and president. 

He cemented his victory in the early April vote count by winning two million 
votes from 6.5 million registered Serbian voters. 

A leader or faute de mieux?

After the election victory declaration, Vucic thanked 
<https://www.reutersconnect.com/all?id=tag%3Areuters.com%2C2022%3Anewsml_WD925903042022RP1&share=true>
  his voters for making him “the Serb (after Nikola Pasic) who has been in 
power in Serbia for the longest time.” But what lies behind his success?

Speaking to TRT World’s “Across the Balkans 
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=T-JjqOJLeuM&t=2s> ,” Vuk Vuksanovic, a Senior 
Researcher at Belgrade Centre for Security Policy, explained Vucic’s success by 
emphasising two main factors: First, he is a formidable person, and his party 
has a tremendous and well-mobilised influence on the media, state institutions, 
and national security setup. Second, the frailty of the opposition did not 
offer a better alternative. 

According to Vuksanovic, many Serbians are upset by the post-Milosevic economic 
and political transition. Some consider the opposition as part of that 
disappointment. The result is a tactical vote, which means people did not vote 
for Vucic because they liked him but because, from their perspective, he 
represents the lesser evil. 

Moscow vs Brussels

The Russian assault on Ukraine influenced the election campaign considerably. 
Vucic used this fact to his benefit. His main slogan was crafted accordingly. 

With “Peace and Stability,” he promised economic growth and infrastructure 
development. He echoed his desire not to get the country entangled in the 
conflict. On the other hand, his opponent Zdravko Ponos, blamed 
<https://rs.n1info.com/english/news/ponos-vucic-building-unity-based-on-fear/>  
him for building unity with “fear of war… abusing events in Ukraine.” 

As Vuksanovic emphasises, Vucic benefited from the conflict. The image of an 
experienced politician who could lead the troubled country in these dark times 
overshadowed the opposition. 

In the same tone as his slogan, on the election night, Vucic emphasised 
<http://u.afp.com/wnWo>  the importance of having good relationships in the 
region and pursuing the European, alongside preserving “ties with its 
traditional friends.” Serbia supported two United Nations 
<https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2022/4/4/endlessly-happy-serbias-vucic-claims-re-election-victory?taid=624a7ed977636d0001dce474&utm_campaign=trueAnthem%3A+Trending+Content&utm_medium=trueAnthem&utm_source=twitter>
  resolutions condemning Russia’s military assault. Moreover, Belgrade still 
refuses to be part of the sanctions imposed on Moscow. 

In an earlier speech, he said that Belgard continues on its European path, but 
“Serbia will not rush into enmity <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=EtMrlzZmji8> 
 because someone else asks to.” Speaking to TRT World, Srdjan Majstorovic, 
Chairman of the Board of European Policy Centre (CEP) and member of the Balkans 
in Europe Policy Advisory Group (BIEPAG), explained that these elections will 
have an important impact on Serbia’s relations with the EU. The country started 
accession negotiations in 2014; however, issues like democracy and problematic 
relations with its neighbours brought the process to a standstill. With 
Belgrade’s indecisive approach to Ukraine, its EU process is questioned again. 

Right after the elections, Vucic emphasised <http://u.afp.com/wnWo>  that 
Serbia would continue on the same path; keep the policy of military neutrality 
and stay away from any military alliance. 

For the first time since 1999, Kosovo Serbs weren’t allowed 
<https://www.reutersconnect.com/all?id=tag%3Areuters.com%2C2022%3Anewsml_WD925403042022RP1&share=true>
  to have open polling stations. The Kosovo government decided not to allow its 
citizens to vote in its neighbours’ elections. With no polling stations opened, 
thousands of Kosovo Serbs crossed the border with their cars and buses to vote 
in Serbia. Majstorovic says this situation will have long-term consequences. 
The nationalist narratives on both sides will rise, and these elections will 
shadow future talks’ tone and atmosphere.  

Parliamentary elections 

Vucic’s Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) won 
<https://balkaninsight.com/2022/04/03/serbian-president-ruling-party-won-elections/>
  the Parliamentary election conducted on the same day. SNS’s 43.5 percent was 
followed by United for Victory of Serbia with 12.9. The Socialist Party of 
Serbia, which is the SNS’s partner party, won 11.6 per cent. The green-left 
Moramo got 4.4 per cent, and the right-wing NADA, Oathkeepers and Dveri also 
passed the threshold. 

The current picture portrays a sliding to the right, which could create a 
serious issue for Vucic’s EU policy. The president’s party did not have the 
majority needed to form a government and will need partners: probably the SPS 
or right-wing parties. On the other hand, Moramo entered the Parliament for the 
first time. Their green agenda helped people mobilise and protest against the 
exploitation <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=MXRoaV9Xj5E&t=49s>  of natural 
minerals last year. 

Majstorovic suggests that the formation of the new government would take until 
late summer. In this way, Vucic will be able to buy time, measure the public’s 
opinion, oversee internal and external factors, and avoid having a net stance 
on the Russia-Ukraine crisis. 

Vuksanovic points out that Vucic’s role depends on the trade-offs at a regional 
level. If he is perceived as a balancer for the region, he probably will accept 
this role. However, if there is a chance of getting a domestic rating, he will 
use the nationalist’s card. 

As the only Balkan country president that does not impose sanctions on Russia, 
Vucic will have to balance appeasing Mother Russia and pleasing Brussels. This 
approach will affect Vucic’s domestic policy and the region’s delicate balance 
of power.   

 

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