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<https://www.eurasiareview.com/14032024-theres-a-reason-why-many-serbs-support-their-flawed-president-oped/>
  


There’s A Reason Why Many Serbs Support Their Flawed President – OpEd


Balkan Insight

7–9 minutes

  _____  


An out-of-touch opposition still tainted by past corruption scandals is not 
very tempting for Serbs – many of whom view Aleksandar Vucic as ‘the best of a 
bad bunch’.


By Tatyana Kekic

It was an inauspicious start to the year for Serbia’s President Aleksandar 
Vucic. After winning a landslide victory in December’s elections, the 
government faced weeks of protests by the opposition group Serbia Against 
Violence, SPN, over its claims that the elections were rigged.  

But the daily protests and hunger strikes that made international headlines 
didn’t last. Despite opposition promises to continue protests into the New 
Year, a repeat of the large demonstrations seen on December 30 has yet to 
materialise.  

A majority of Serbs don’t appear interested in contesting the election results. 
In fact, those results point to Vucic’s continued popularity in the country at 
large. His ruling Serbian Progressive Party beat the opposition by 24 
percentage points in the parliamentary election. 

What explains the high levels of support for Vucic, even in the light of his 
creeping authoritarianism and alleged election tricks? The usual response among 
liberals is to blame misinformation and media manipulation. But this risks 
treating voters like sponges, ready to absorb anything they hear on TV. 

The tendency to blame support for populist leaders on their illiberal tactics 
alone also ignores the reality that voters are sometimes willing to overlook 
the democratic deficiencies of leaders, if they believe they will deliver 
greater stability, or if the democratic opposition has been discredited.  

Many Serbs are aware that Vucic controls the media and intimidates the 
opposition, sometimes by broadcasting their private sex tapes on daytime TV. 
But many also overlook these flaws, either because they think he is delivering 
for the majority, or because they view the alternative as even worse. 

Explaining their support for the President, many Serbs often point to the 
progress Serbia has made since the Progressives took office in 2012, when 
unemployment was as high as 24 per cent and average wages as low as 300 euros a 
month. Unemployment is now in single digits and wages have more than doubled 
since then. 

According to Serbia’s national statistical office, average net earnings 
increased from around 375 euros a month in 2013 to 639 euros in 2022. The 
Progressives’ sound economic policies are also reflected in robust real GDP 
growth rates and large inflows of foreign direct investment, FDI. 

Vucic likes the narrative of rebuilding Serbia, and sometimes uses it quite 
literally. He is constantly on TV boasting about building new roads, for 
example. While Belgrade still lacks a metro, Vucic claims that Serbia has built 
more motorways in the past decade than in the past 50 years. 

While for many Belgraders the Belgrade Waterfront project is an eye-sore and a 
money laundering project, others genuinely buy into the government’s line that 
the project represents progress and a leap into modernity.

Belgrade Tower, the tallest skyscraper in the Balkans, until Bulgaria built its 
Sky Fort in 2023, dominates the city’s skyline like a giant sore thumb. Put 
aside aesthetics, however, and you have quite a picture of progress. 

Contrast this with the last time the opposition was in power, under the 
leadership of the Democratic Party between 2000 and 2012, together with the 
Democratic Party of Serbia, until a 2008 split.

Many remember this time as a period of turbulent transition, when the upper 
middle class got richer at the expense of ordinary workers and farmers. 

The decade after the fall of Slobodan Milosevic in 2000 was marked by the rise 
of tycoons and the legitimisation of their wealth by privatisation. Criminals 
profited from the sale of state-owned companies in the absence of regulations; 
often, politicians did, too. 

The opposition has since changed leadership but is still associated with a 
series of corruption scandals. In 2014, when former President Boris Tadic 
stepped down as Democratic Party leader, he acknowledged that it had earned 
“the title of a corrupt and scandal-stained party”. The public had a “phrase 
about yellow thieves”, he said, in reference to the party’s colours. 

The former Belgrade mayor, Dragan Djilas, who succeeded Tadic as party leader, 
was himself a wealthy businessman. His personal fortune made him an easy target 
of Progressive smear campaigns. He is now president of the Freedom and Justice 
Party and a key figure in the opposition SPN. 

The democratic opposition has not only been contaminated by corruption 
scandals. Soon after Tadic was elected for his second term in 2008, the former 
province of Kosovo unilaterally declared independence and was widely recognised 
by the West. While the Democrats never accepted its independence, it was widely 
seen to have “given Kosovo away”. 

Kosovo’s UDI gave the impression of a government incapable of defending 
Serbia’s interests abroad. In contrast, Vucic is seen to defend Serbia’s 
interests, by refusing to give too much on Kosovo and by opposing sanctions 
against Russia. 

Out of touch with public opinion, opposition figures like Djilas criticise the 
government’s refusal to align Serbia with EU foreign policy. In a recent 
article for Politico, in which he called upon the West to take action against 
election irregularities, Djilas criticised Vucic’s refusal to impose sanctions 
on Russia.  

Such interventions are unlikely to go down well with Serbs. According to a 
study released by Demostat in March 2022, 50 per cent of respondents believed 
their country should remain neutral, even if such a stance were to incur 
sanctions and goods shortages on a scale similar to those experienced during 
the Yugoslav wars.  

It is not only on foreign policy that the opposition is out of touch. By 
focusing on issues such as government corruption, lack of media pluralism and 
the environment, the SPN ignores problems that might resonate more with voters, 
such as soaring food price inflation, which was among the highest in Europe in 
2023. 

The SPN’s narrow programme lacks appeal among the rural, conservative and 
working-class voters who form the majority of Vucic’s support. It also lacks 
coherence. The parties comprising the SPN have little in common other than 
shared revulsion for Vucic. 

The opposition also squabble among themselves, about who should be included on 
what list, who is best to lead the movement and so forth. A few weeks ago, the 
opposition group “We –Voice of the People” collapsed after a series of personal 
insults and threats of physical injury led to a split in leadership. 

Internal power struggles are a familiar theme in Serbian opposition politics. 
Rather than looking inwards, however, opposition parties prefer to blame their 
poor election performances on an unfair media landscape and irregularities at 
the ballot-box. But it is too easy to blame a lack of popular support on 
government foul play. 

As the leader of the Socialist Party, Ivica Dacic, quipped after his party 
struggled to gain more than 6 per cent in December’s polls, he would also like 
a repeat of the elections. 

But it is unclear if the opposition would fare any better if new and fairer 
elections were held. Despite all his flaws, Vucic remains the best of a bad 
bunch, as far as most Serbs are concerned. 

*       About the author: Tatyana Kekic is a freelance journalist based in 
Belgrade specialised in Russian and Eastern Europe affairs. 
*       Source: The opinions expressed are those of the author and do not 
necessarily reflect the views of BIRN 
<https://balkaninsight.com/2024/03/13/theres-a-reason-why-many-serbs-support-their-flawed-president/>
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