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Serbia and North Macedonia are battling the hypocrisy of the EU like Don 
Quixote with windmills - Kosovo Online


7–9 minutes

  _____  


Written for Kosovo Online by Zeljko Sajn 


The historical Kosovo-Metohija saga is continuously supplemented by the 
narratives crafted by states possessing the power, will, and intellectual and 
moral strength to shape the entire international order according to their own 
value systems. Today, unfortunately, we remain far from achieving a new 
sustainable international order, bombarded with news of casualties in 
fragmented wars, and apprehensive that we will again experience the stench of 
war from the front lines.

The roots of the fruits we harvest today were planted when Metternich's Austria 
revived the so-called European concept, which Bismarck's Germany dismantled by 
turning European diplomacy into ruthless power politics, including the Balkans 
in its interests, especially the Albanian population. However, in the 20th 
century, the United States took on hegemonic primacy over global interests. No 
country has more vigorously insisted on the inadmissibility of interference in 
the internal affairs of other states while passionately asserting that its own 
values are universally acceptable. This behavior also underpins the EU's 
policy, especially towards Serbia and North Macedonia, best described by one 
word: hypocrisy. Serbia and the Republic of North Macedonia battle this 
hypocrisy like Don Quixote with windmills.

After World War II, America's main enemy was communism. Immediately after the 
war ended, the Cold War front opened against allies developing communist 
ideology in socialist countries. Under the banner of democracy and human rights 
protection, the socialist system was dismantled, destroying all European 
countries developing Marxist-Leninist ideology. The gradual decline of this 
system began with the Cold War and continued after the fall of the Berlin Wall, 
leading to the formation of new states from the existing ones: the USSR, 
Czechoslovakia, and all Warsaw Pact members, as well as the SFR Yugoslavia, 
which did not belong to the pact but was a founding member of the Non-Aligned 
Movement, balancing the Cold War, i.e., maintaining world peace.

However, the territory of the SFR Yugoslavia was fertile political ground for 
sowing the seeds of anti-communism through Kosovo, watered with provocations 
and all ideological "chemicals"—fascism, Nazism, racism, religious conflicts—so 
the West could dismantle communism, weaken the USSR, and access its abundant 
natural resources. Although Kosovo and Metohija seemed marginal for achieving 
such goals, Serbian leadership underestimated this, which the West exploited, 
promising the Albanian population on that territory an Albanian national state. 
Initially quietly, through the fight for human rights, and gradually achieving 
political rights for national minorities, primarily Albanians. Subtly but 
effectively, the U.S. harnessed the centuries-old desire of the Albanian people 
for their own state on Serbian territory, supporting them not just politically 
but also pragmatically to achieve this goal, aiding in the use of arms not only 
in Serbia but also in North Macedonia.

Serbia, as part of the FR Yugoslavia, was bombed in 1999 to grant Albanians 
Kosovo independence, leading to their control over a quasi-state. In gratitude, 
a monument to former U.S. President Bill Clinton was erected in Pristina. NATO 
was involved in this, dividing the permanent members of the UN Security 
Council—on one side, the U.S., the UK, and France, and on the other, the USSR 
(Russia) and China. Using a similar approach but without NATO, in 2001, 
Albanians achieved their political rights in the Republic of Macedonia through 
armed rebellion. Though it seemed unlikely, these events split the world.

All Albanian political parties in Kosovo and Metohija and North Macedonia enjoy 
strategic support primarily from the U.S. Western countries, NATO members, 
enable terrorist organizations to rebrand as legal political parties, achieving 
rights to state functions and representing Albanian interests, often sidelining 
state interests. Meanwhile, other national minorities become marginalized. 
Serbs gradually leave Kosovo and Metohija under unbearable living conditions, 
while in North Macedonia, leadership from Pristina enters legislative, 
executive, and judicial institutions haphazardly.

Afrim Gashi, the newly elected President of the North Macedonian Assembly, a 
member of the Vredi coalition, which openly collaborates with Albin Kurti and 
his deputies from the Kosovo parliament, recently stated on RTK in Pristina 
that Kosovo is his homeland. More concerning than this statement are the 
further, more significant steps by the Vredi coalition, now in power, along 
with Kurti, considering his ambitions and behavior on North Macedonian soil.

Conversely, the Albanian party DUI, in power in North Macedonia for twenty 
years, claims Hristijan Mickoski cannot form a government with the Vredi 
coalition because the European Front coalition is the winner among Albanian 
parties. However, North Macedonian President Gordana Siljanovska Davkova 
pointed out that the mandate holder has the right to form a government with 
whoever they deem fit for state interests.

Certainly, the new government in our neighboring state faces creating a strong 
strategy to control the increasingly powerful Albanian factor, preventing it 
from disrupting state interests. The previous government failed to do this, 
making numerous concessions to the coalition in power to achieve its and state 
interests. Recall, the DUI party received the strategic portfolio of the 
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, led by Bujar Osmani. This allowed DUI to advocate 
for Kosovo's independence and co-sponsor the UN General Assembly resolution on 
the Srebrenica genocide, damaging excellent neighborly relations with Serbia. 
Osmani also vocally supported abandoning the successful regional initiative 
"Open Balkan." Clearly, support came not only from his party.

Hopefully, the new Macedonian government will act more wisely, avoiding 
concessions to the Albanian factor for higher goals. Encouraging this hope is 
that the Vredi coalition secured six ministerial seats, not key ones, and the 
Assembly presidency. Though Albanian parties are divided between the European 
Front and Vredi coalitions, they unite on one issue: making Albanian a second 
official language across North Macedonia. While the Vredi coalition heeds 
Kurti's advice, whom they declared the president of all Albanians in Tetovo 
last year, DUI gathers around Albanian Prime Minister Rama, who politically 
diverges from Kurti, both share the great national interest of all Albanians in 
the Balkans.

The new government structure with VMRO-DPMNE will have a secure majority with 
Macedonian parties, avoiding various ultimatums the previous government faced. 
An improvement in relations with Serbia is expected, correcting the foreign 
policy path influenced by DUI.

In pursuing long-term solutions for strategic goals of parliamentary democracy 
and North Macedonia's development, the Turkish political subject should not be 
overlooked. Neglecting it could strengthen the Albanian political bloc, which, 
with Turkish coalition support, might secure nearly 40 deputies in the next 
elections. Such a parliamentary balance would favor Kurti's ambitions over the 
stability and territorial integrity of North Macedonia and the entire region. 
"The President of all Albanians" will seize every opportunity to realize the 
inherited Demaçi ideology and create a "Greater Albania."

Dialogue must urgently resume to lay the foundation for a new global security, 
political, and economic system, ensuring future order is based on principles of 
peace preservation without hegemonic ambitions.

 

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