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<https://emerging-europe.com/opinion/the-closure-of-kosovos-parallel-institutions-and-its-ramifications/>
  


The closure of Kosovo's parallel institutions and its ramifications


Alon Ben-Meir Centre for Global Affairs, NYU

8–10 minutes

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Kosovo Prime Minister Albin Kurti’s consistent efforts to assert Kosovo’s 
sovereignty over the predominantly ethnic Serb municipalities do not bolster 
Kosovo’s independence. Instead, Kurti’s misplaced efforts only strain EU-Kosovo 
ties while exposing his lack of confidence in Kosovo’s sovereign resiliency.

Kosovo Prime Minister Albin Kurti’s decision to close five parallel 
institutions for the predominantly ethnic Serbians in northern Kosovo can be 
justified based on three counts. 

First, the action is in accordance with the dialogue agreements of 2013 and 
2015 that stipulated the closure of parallel institutions. Second, it is 
consistent with Kosovo’s constitution, and third, it asserts Kosovo’s sovereign 
rights to all of Kosovo, including the ethnic Serb-majority municipalities. 

That said, the closure raises several questions that Kurt’s government should 
have carefully considered before taking such an action.

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*       Mutual recognition between Serbia and Kosovo: How do we get there? 
<https://emerging-europe.com/opinion/mutual-recognition-between-serbia-and-kosovo-how-do-we-get-there/>
 
*       Economy in focus: Kosovo 
<https://emerging-europe.com/analysis/economy-in-focus-kosovo-2/> 
*       Kosovo: Five essential reads 
<https://emerging-europe.com/culture-travel-sport/kosovo-five-essential-reads/> 

  _____  


Timing


Kurti’s decision to act at this particular juncture raises the question of 
whether it was motivated by domestic political considerations. 

I concur with Charles Kupchan, former director of European affairs at the US 
National Security Council, who stated, “For me, these are gestures and 
manoeuvres at the level of internal politics, which may be good for the 
political fate of Kurti, but they are not good for Kosovo.” 

However, whether or not Kurti intended to take such an action now to benefit 
politically at home, he has inadvertently created the impression that the 
upcoming election in Kosovo, scheduled for February 9, 2025, played a role in 
his decision-making, and what benefit he may or may not engender remains to be 
seen.

Given the current tense environment, I maintain that, on balance, any benefit 
Kurti could reap is offset by acting now when he could have waited 
post-election. His actions have irked even the United States, France, Germany, 
and the United Kingdom, which have criticised Kosovo’s actions in the north. 

Even before Kurti closes these parallel institutions, he has already been at 
odds with the EU and the US because of his unilateral closure of six branches 
of a Serbia-licensed bank in northern Kosovo earlier this year as well as the 
currency exchange from the dinar to the euro.


Nationalism


Kurti, who is increasingly being painted as a nationalist, seems to show 
impatience in his pursuit of asserting and reasserting Kosovo’s independence, 
specifically in the predominantly ethnic Serb north. 

Kurti knows perfectly well that whether Serbia recognises Kosovo or not, his 
country is independent and is recognised by more than 100 others. I believe 
that sooner or later, Serbia, under new leadership, will conclude that Kosovo’s 
independence is irrevocable and will come to terms with its sovereignty. 
Belgrade’s recognition of Kosovo will be accelerated once Russia’s Putin, who 
vehemently opposes Kosovo’s independence, departs the political scene.

At this juncture, Kurti should focus more on the integration process with the 
EU by addressing domestic problems, including the economy, infrastructure, 
education, human rights, and healthcare, and bring them in line with EU 
standards, instead of antagonising the very organisation he wishes to join. 

By way of example, Kurti’s insistence on opening the Iber bridge has 
dramatically heightened the tension with the EU, forcing NATO’s peacekeeping 
mission in Kosovo, KFOR, to deploy additional assets from its Multinational 
Specialised Unit to the bridge, which divides Mitrovica into the predominantly 
Albanian south and the predominantly Serbian north.


Lack of coordination


Again, given the prevailing circumstances, any action taken by Kurti, 
regardless of how justified it may be, should be coordinated with the EU as 
long as it could create a negative ripple effect. 

This does not suggest that Kurti has no right to take such action; coordinating 
with the EU is necessary, mainly because of the close ties between the two 
sides and because the EU is involved in any developments connected with the 
Serbia-Kosovo conflict.

The US embassy in Kosovo was correct to reiterate last Friday Washington’s 
“concern and disappointment with continuing uncoordinated actions” taken by 
Prishtina “that continue to have a direct and negative effect on members of the 
ethnic Serb community and other minority communities in Kosovo.” 

Interestingly, though, President Vjosa Osmani emphasised, in her meeting with 
the US ambassador, Jorn Rohde, the need for coordinated efforts with allies, 
particularly the US, in developing a joint implementation plan for the opening 
of the bridge over the Iber River.

Although many Kosovar voices support the closure of these parallel 
institutions, including political science professor Dorajet Imeri, who said 
that the abolition of parallel structures should have happened a long time ago, 
he misses the central point here. 

It is not that Kosovo does not have the right to close these parallel 
institutions financed by Serbia; it is the need for coordination with the EU 
that matters. Kosovo, which seeks to join the EU, should adopt the EU’s 
operational procedures between the member states, which are based on 
consultation and coordination.

Sadly, Kurti’s persistent lack of coordination with the EU forced the latter to 
impose sanctions on Kosovo, which would not have occurred if Kurti had not put 
his nationalist tendencies ahead of Kosovo’s long-term interests. 

The US is not inclined to follow the EU’s footsteps and impose sanctions its 
own sanctions on Kosovo, but the US disenchantment with Kurti has been clearly 
expressed, and Kurti should take heed of this development. 

To be sure, the US is seeking cooperation to determine the most suitable 
timeframe from a security perspective to develop and act on a joint 
implementation plan. The US believes that this approach serves all citizens.


The resumption of Kosovo-Serbia dialogue


I maintain that Kurti’s government should now refocus its attention on the 
resumption of the dialogue at the level of chief negotiators between Prishtina 
and Belgrade, as the EU is planning a new round of talks between the two 
countries. 

Although the EU spokesperson, Peter Stano, has not provided a date for such a 
meeting, stating that the date would be made public in due course, the EU envoy 
for Kosovo-Serbia dialogue, Miroslav Lajčák, said that he would stay in 
Prishtina to prepare the new round of dialogue without giving more details, 
suggesting that such talks are imminent.

Finally, it is important to note that the resumption of any dialogue between 
Kosovo and Serbia and its scope relies more on the EU than on the US. 

If Kamala Harris is elected as the next US president, I do not expect any 
discernable change in US policy concerning the Kosovo-Serbia conflict. 

However, if Donald Trump is reelected, he will be influenced, to some extent, 
by Putin’s views on the Balkans and his desire to destabilise the region. Trump 
will likely be less supportive of Kosovo’s position, but not to the extent that 
he would reverse the US’ overall policy toward the Balkans in general and the 
US’ commitment to Kosovo’s independence.

In the final analysis, Kosovo’s fate and future are and will remain inexorably 
tied to the EU. For this reason, any government in Kosovo ought to think and 
behave as if it were an EU member state. 

In so doing, Kosovo’s integration process will proceed on solid ground instead 
of subjecting it to EU sanctions that psychologically, politically, and 
practically impede such a process.

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