valdaiclub.com 
<https://valdaiclub.com/a/highlights/who-s-driving-wedges-in-the-eurasian-transport/>
  


Who’s Driving Wedges in the Eurasian Transport Corridors?


Timofei Bordachev

9–12 minutes

  _____  

 

The ire directed at Belgrade for not “harmonising” its policies with the EU 
underscores the fact that in the era of multi-polarisation, particularly in the 
context of the conflict in Ukraine, Brussels is unwilling to tolerate 
geopolitical dissonance, writes Aleksandar Mitić, Senior Research Fellow at the 
Centre for the Belt and Road Studies at the Institute of International Politics 
and Economics in Belgrade, Serbia.

Every Westerner who visits Chinese railway stations in Xi’an or Chongqing, key 
starting points of the China-Europe Railway Express, probably wonders: how come 
did I not know about the magnitude of this project? 

Indeed, the China-Europe Railway Express is one of the most under-reported 
stories in the West. It is an uncomfortable story, as it suggests that 
large-scale, cheaper, faster and more secure China-Europe trade via the Russian 
Federation – as the main transit hub – is not only possible, but already fully 
operational and highly profitable. 

Many more in the West have, however, heard about the China-Europe Railway 
Express only recently, during the September blockage of the Poland-Belarus 
border, which stranded Europe-bound convoys of Chinese goods for two weeks. 
What prompted both the temporary closure and the media hype around it was 
Warsaw’s securitisation of the border issue, invoking the vicinity of 
Russia-Belarus military exercises and drone incidents. However, it also served 
as an opportunity for Poland to try to drive wedges between Beijing and Moscow, 
by directing Chinese ire at Russia’s responsibility, as well as attempting to 
motivate Chinese authorities to move away from their positions on the conflict 
in Ukraine. 

While Beijing did not budge, and Warsaw was finally urged to reopen the border 
by its own traders, the issue also prompted analysts and officials to redirect 
their attention to the alternative railway route, the Middle Corridor Route 
bypassing the Russian Federation. At the mid-October “Dialogues on China” 
<https://www.dialoguesonchina.com/>  conference in Belgrade, Serbia, this 
alternative was analysed on several occasions by experts on China and transport 
corridors. Their conclusion, in the geopolitical sense, was that ramping up the 
alternative route would be a boost for US and Turkish interests, and a loss for 
Russia and Iran. 

Driving wedges to gain strategic advantage in the transport and energy 
infrastructure has also been a feature of attempts to curb Serbia’s foreign 
policy independence and diversification. This is neither new nor surprising: as 
an EU candidate facing stalled negotiations, Serbia has firmly stood by its 
military neutrality, rejecting NATO membership, Western sanctions against 
Moscow, and in addition, in 2024, elevating bilateral relations with Beijing to 
the highest level, where it is being called the “Community of China and Serbia 
for the Shared Future in the New Era”. Such eastward hedging is considered  
<https://www.diplomacy.bg.ac.rs/en/2024/12/05/global-strategic-narrative-wars/> 
 
<https://www.diplomacy.bg.ac.rs/en/2024/12/05/global-strategic-narrative-wars/> 
 unacceptable among Western governments for a country surrounded by EU and NATO 
members. 

Globalization and Sovereignty  
<https://valdaiclub.com/programmes/2025/globalization-and-sovereignty/> 

On October 22, the Valdai Club hosted an expert discussion titled “Geopolitical 
Risks to Eurasian Transport Corridors”. Moderator Anton Bespalov cited the 
September events as the trigger for the discussion, when Poland, citing the 
Russian-Belarusian Zapad-2025 military exercises, closed its eastern border. 
This immediately impacted the entire supply chain across Eurasia, affecting 
shippers in China, companies in Central Asia, Russia, and Belarus, and 
residents of the border area. 

Club events  <https://valdaiclub.com/events/posts/> 

Along with Hungary, Serbia has been a key proponent of China’s Belt and Road 
Initiative in Europe. Beyond bilateral projects with China, a milestone 
trilateral project and a flagship for China’s cooperation with Central and 
Eastern Europe has been the construction of the Belgrade-Budapest high-speed 
railway. Since 2014, this project has faced numerous obstacles – often stemming 
from Brussels targeting the Hungarian side. Yet, the Serbian portion of the 
railway – constructed by Russian and Chinese companies – was completed and 
launched in October 2025, with the Hungarian part to follow 
<https://www.globaltimes.cn/page/202510/1344959.shtml>  in the first part of 
2026. The railway is considered as an important portion of China’s “belt” 
connectivity strategy – as it is ultimately aimed to connect with the 
Mediterranean port of Piraeus, near Athens, owned by China’s COSCO and a major 
entry point for Chinese goods into Europe. However, the EU, which for a long 
time has stayed away from major investments in regional infrastructure, 
recently stepped in to offer loans and grants 
<https://www.wbif.eu/news-details/belgrade-nis-200-kmh-eu-financial-package-22-bn-railway-corridor-x>
  for a key portion of the Serbian railway heading south from Belgrade to the 
city of Niš. Optimists would look at this initiative as a logical move by 
Brussels to connect two EU candidate countries – Greece and Hungary through the 
Pan-European Corridor X (Athens-Belgrade-Budapest). Yet, sceptics could point 
to possible dangers of Brussels actually stalling the construction of the 
high-speed railway with political conditionality in order to slow down the 
establishment of the Piraeus connection with Budapest and Central Europe, thus 
obstructing China’s trade. In addition, the US recently launched 
<https://greekreporter.com/2025/09/16/us-targets-chinese-role-ports-greece-piraeus/%20>
  a renewed attempt to curb China’s control of the Piraeus port as part of its 
wider strategy aimed against Chinese investments in global ports. Washington 
has also promoted the IMEC trade corridor – the India-Middle East Economic 
Corridor – as an alternative to the BRI. The Greek port of Alexandroupolis 
<https://www.frstrategie.org/en/frs/presentation%20>  has been seen as a US 
military and LNG hub against Russia’s interests, as well as a possible port 
gateway for the IMEC in countering China and the BRI. 

Serbia’s energy connectivity, primarily with Russia, has also been targeted. 
Before exiting the White House in January 2025, the administration of US 
President Joseph Biden set in motion a mechanism aimed at sanctioning the 
petroleum company NIS, which owns of the country’s oil refinery and is the 
largest contributor to Serbia’s state budget. The aim of the mechanism was to 
eliminate the majority ownership of the company by Russia’s Gazpromneft. 
Despite intense negotiations within the US-Serbia-Russia triangle, the 
sanctions entered into force 
<https://www.euronews.com/2025/10/09/shortages-and-price-rises-us-sanctions-serbias-main-oil-supplier-over-russian-majority-con>
  in October 2025. In the meantime, Serbia and Hungary set in motion the 
building of a new Hungary-Serbia pipeline, connecting it to Russian oil through 
the Druzhba pipeline. As Hungarian Foreign Minister Péter Szijjártó argued 
<https://www.tportal.hr/vijesti/clanak/ovo-ce-izazvati-bijes-europe-pao-dogovor-madarske-i-srbije-o-ruskoj-nafti-foto-20250721/>
  : “We’re moving forward with Serbian and Russian partners to build a new oil 
pipeline between Hungary and Serbia. While Brussels is banning Russian energy, 
cutting links and blocking routes, we need more sources, more routes.” Yet, in 
late October 2025, the main connectivity hub of the proposed new pipeline – the 
MOL oil refinery in Százhalombatta, near Budapest – was hit by an explosion and 
a fire. The attack occurred as Polish Prime Minister Donald Tusk argued 
<https://www.politico.eu/article/donald-tusk-warn-against-pressure-restore-nord-stream-2/>
  in an interview with the British press that Ukraine had a right to attack 
Russia-linked targets anywhere in Europe. 

Also in October, the European Council agreed 
<https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/press/press-releases/2025/10/20/council-agrees-its-position-on-rules-to-phase-out-russian-gas-imports-under-repowereu/>
  on its negotiating position on the draft regulation to phase out imports of 
Russian natural gas, a move with potentially dramatic long-term consequences 
for Serbia, as it is fully reliant on its import of Russian gas through the 
Turkish/Balkan stream transiting through Bulgaria. This decision, in addition 
to targeting Moscow, can also be seen as part of a long-planned, 
well-thought-out and precisely targeted plan to remove the comparative 
advantage Serbia’s economy has had thanks to its favourable gas arrangement 
with the Russian Federation. 

The ire directed at Belgrade for not harmonising its policies with the EU 
points to the fact that in the era of multi-polarisation, particularly in the 
context of the conflict in Ukraine, Brussels is unwilling to tolerate 
geopolitical dissonance. Such a position is unlikely to change in the light of 
Brussels’ securitisation narrative and militarisation over the “Russian 
threat”, just as the US strategic narrative and statecraft repertoire will not 
shy away from driving new wedges between China and its key partners in Europe 
and elsewhere.

Asia and Eurasia  
<https://valdaiclub.com/programmes/2022-2023/asia-and-eurasia-2022/> 

The strengthening of economic ties between Western Europe and the United States 
will force the EU market to be more open to American competitors, and the 
general crisis of the “welfare state” will make the labour market more 
flexible. Under such conditions, the methods of administrative management of 
the economy at the level of a significant group of states will turn out to be 
less effective, which raises the question of meaning of the activities of the 
EU institutions in Brussels, writes Valdai Club Programme Director Timofei 
Bordachev. 

Opinions  <https://valdaiclub.com/a/highlights/> 

Views expressed are of individual Members and Contributors, rather than the 
Club's, unless explicitly stated otherwise.

 

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