cepa.org
Vučić   Hangs on and Hopes for Better Days
Ferenc Németh
8–10 minutes

If you think you had a bad year, just look at Aleksandar Vučić. Serbia’s 
strongman, now in power for almost a decade and a half, had a seriously bad 
2025.

Challenges such as student protests, blows to economic megaprojects, and the 
failure to win hoped-for favoritism with President Trump put the Serbian leader 
in an uneasy position. This new year will be characterized by what we might 
term a Waiting for Godot strategy characterized by political damage control.

Internally, problems are not merely looming; they are so serious that they may 
represent the first nails in the government’s political coffin. The protests 
may have been student-led, but they encompassed a remarkably
heterogenous segment of Serbian society all year long. Popular unrest was 
triggered by the Novi Sad station canopy collapse in November 2024 that killed 
16 people. Showing no signs of exhaustion, protesters are still firmly 
committed to their goals of greater accountability and transparency, a freer 
judiciary and media, and the holding of snap elections.

The masks are now off. Tactics often employed by the government, such as smear 
campaigns against activists and academic staff, distractions through 
self-generated crises in the north of Kosovo, and blaming neighboring or 
unnamed Western countries for interference, have failed to break the 
protesters’ spirit and support.

The more violent the government and its hooligans became in efforts to crack 
down on peaceful demonstrators, the more determined the demonstrators became. 
Their immunity to these tactics is a worrying sign for Vučić. How he finds a 
grip on this large, grassroots movement will remain a central question in 2026, 
too.

Although the power of the protesters speaks for itself (one rally in March 
attracted more than 300,000 demonstrators), it does not mean that the 
government — Vučić, in particular — will go quietly. A political standoff has 
emerged: any concession would either mean the end of the protests or the 
possible collapse of the system. This deadlock is likely to persist throughout 
the year.

Vučić was also forced to bid farewell to major economic projects. In November, 
the British-Australian mining company Rio Tinto announced the indefinite 
suspension of its proposed lithium mine investment in Serbia. A few weeks 
later, the American investment firm Affinity Partners, founded by President 
Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, withdrew its Belgrade-based luxury 
development project. The lithium mining project would have brought around $3bn 
in badly needed foreign investment and the hotel construction about $500m.

For Vučić, losing these “pet projects” not only damages Serbia’s economy but 
also cuts deeply into his political ego. Additionally, the political benefits — 
namely, garnering extra votes through announcements of large-scale investment 
projects — remain an unfulfilled dream for the coming year.

The most pressing economic challenge Serbia will continue to face this year 
concerns its sole oil refinery. NIS, majority-owned by Russia’s Gazprom Neft, 
has been under US sanctions since March, with full enforcement effective from 
October 2025. Although OFAC, the Department of the Treasury’s responsive body, 
granted NIS a special license to continue operations until January 22, this 
does not change the requirement that Russian ownership must be reduced to 
exactly zero percent. Negotiations must also be finalized by mid-March — most 
likely with Hungary’s MOL purchasing the Russian shareholding — but the 
transaction still requires US approval.

The firm US stance on NIS demonstrates that Washington’s primary concern is not 
the interests of Serbia’s government but the removal of Russian energy 
influence and the expansion of American energy interests — such as liquefied 
natural gas, or LNG, and small nuclear power plants — across Europe, including 
the Balkans. This goal leaves little room for Vučić, despite his strong 
pro-Trump alignment.

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These strict demands and deadlines caught Vučić off guard. He had hoped that 
Trump’s return to the White House would pave the way for the golden age of 
bilateral relations, bringing political and economic benefits to Serbia. Like 
Hungary’s Viktor Orbán and Republika Srpska’s Milorad Dodik in Bosnia, Vučić 
had high expectations of Trump’s presidency. Instead, the US administration has 
so far remained pragmatic, prioritizing its broader strategic interests over 
personal affinities in the Balkans.

The US continues to support mutual recognition as the desired outcome of the 
Serbia-Kosovo normalization talks, despite Vučić’s hope for a more 
“pro-Serbian” stance. Moreover, the bipartisan Western Balkans Democracy and 
Prosperity Act, part of the National Defense Authorization Act, reiterates the 
importance of mutual recognition, and also names Serbia as a country where 
democracy is deteriorating and electoral conditions are unfair.

There is still a strong bipartisan support for maintaining existing borders, 
particularly in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo, and for regional stability. 
This position has even been echoed by Trump himself, who counts Serbia and 
Kosovo among the eight wars he claims to have ended in 2025.

In the European context, Serbia’s EU accession prospects have never been 
bleaker. A more outspoken European Commission and vocal member states have 
begun to challenge the government, despite acknowledging Serbia’s geopolitical 
importance for the region. Apart from rule-of-law issues, Serbia’s reluctance 
to align with the EU’s common foreign and security policy has become 
particularly costly. Until 2022, Vučić could get away with his balancing 
strategy, but Russia’s war against Ukraine has made foreign policy alignment a 
key criterion also for candidate countries.

Meanwhile, Serbia’s neighbors are slowly but steadily advancing on their EU 
accession paths, with Montenegro and Albania being prime examples. Serbia under 
Vučić can further expect the same stagnation in its EU accession effort as last 
year.

Under Vučić’s rule, Serbia has developed a system of state capture marked by 
rule-of-law deficiencies and a sharp decline across all major democratic 
indices. The long-standing balancing act between East and West — maintaining 
the façade of EU aspirations while deepening ties with Russia and China — is 
increasingly difficult, especially under global shifts and US foreign policy 
interests.

The problems of last year have not faded; they have only intensified. Internal 
pressures — especially the student-led protests — may force Vučić to call snap 
elections by the end of 2026 as a last-ditch effort to cement his reign.

At the same time, disappointment with US foreign policy toward Serbia — marked 
by self-interest and pragmatism rather than favoritism — has further weakened 
his position. Amid internal challenges and miscalculations about global 
political shifts working in his favor, the Serbian strongman may continue doing 
what he has done for most of the past year: pursue a wait-and-see policy, in 
hopes of ensuring his own survival.

Ferenc Németh is a Ph.D. candidate at Corvinus University of Budapest. He has 
previously conducted research on the Western Balkans in Toronto and Skopje, 
worked as a research fellow at the Hungarian Institute of International 
Affairs, and interned at EULEX Kosovo. His areas of expertise include the 
Western Balkans, EU enlargement, and regional security. Ferenc was a Denton 
Fellow at CEPA in 2024. 

Europe’s Edge is CEPA’s online journal covering critical topics on the foreign 
policy docket across Europe and North America. All opinions expressed on 
Europe’s Edge are those of the author alone and may not represent those of the 
institutions they represent or the Center for European Policy Analysis. CEPA 
maintains a strict intellectual independence policy across all its projects and 
publications.

Europe's Edge

CEPA’s online journal covering critical topics on the foreign policy docket 
across Europe and North America.

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