euobserver.com <https://euobserver.com/enlargement/133004>  


Croatia veto on Serbia's EU talks causes surprise


Dejan Anastasjevic

Last week was a bad week for Serbia's bid to join the EU. 

At a working group meeting in the EU Council on Thursday (7 April ), the
Croatian delegate refused to endorse the European Commission's report on
Serbia's readiness to open talks on Chapter 23 of the accession book, which
deals with judiciary and human rights. 

According to the EU's "fundamentals first" enlargement strategy, this is one
of the "superchapters" that is crucial to the whole process. Serbia had high
hopes it would be opened by June, paving the way for other chapters. 

This is now likely to be delayed. 

Alone among the 28 member states, Croatia cited doubts on Serbia's
commitment to the rule of law, stopping the preparations for the start of
accession talks. 

Croatia's complaints include three issues: the treatment of the Croatian
minority in Serbia, Serbian cooperation with the UN war crimes court in The
Hague (the ICTY), and jurisdiction of Serbian courts over war crimes
committed in other parts of the former Yugoslavia.

Although Croatia claims that these issues are related to core European
values, Serbia (and most EU members) sees them as Croatia's attempt to
extort concessions on bilateral matters. 

Croatia wants guaranteed parliamentary seats for representatives of ethnic
Croats, who comprise less than 1 percent of Serbia's overall population.

Apart from a relatively minor problem of Serbia's reluctance to arrest and
deliver three people charged with contempt of court, there are no
outstanding issues between Serbia and the ICTY. 

When it comes to Serbia's self-proclaimed jurisdiction over war crimes,
Croatia is worried that the Belgrade special court, which has so far mostly
tried Serbs for war crimes against other ethnic groups, could in future also
indict Croats for crimes against Serbs. 

Besides Serbia, 11 EU member states also have similar laws allowing their
courts to prosecute crimes against humanity no matter where they occurred.


No 'blockade'


Predictably, Serbian prime minister Aleksandar Vucic was furious. 

"We will not tolerate blackmail, and won't beg and crawl," he told
supporters at a rally in the city of Novi Sad in northern Serbia. 

The Croatian move caught him at a bad time - at the height of his campaign
for the 24 April parliamentary election. The prospect of EU membership,
still popular among many Serbs, tops his agenda and any delay on the road to
Brussels, whatever the cause, could harm him in the polls. 

But in reality, there is not much that he can do, since every step in the
enlargement process requires unanimity in the EU Council.

Croatia responded to Vucic by claiming that it was only trying to help
Serbia to fully prepare for membership. 

"All that Serbia needs to do is to fulfil our demands, which are entirely in
accordance with basic EU standards," Croatian president Kolinda Grabar
Kitarovic said at a press conference on Monday. 

"Don't call it blockade, we're not putting up roadblocks on Serbia's path."

Her choice of words touched some nerves, since the word "roadblock" could be
seen as an allusion to the early stages of the war in Croatia, when
Belgrade-backed ethnic Serbian rebels built multiple roadblocks in order to
cut communications between Croatian towns.

Serbo-Croat relations, already strained by the increasingly nationalist
rhetoric of the newly formed right-wing government in Zagreb, have now
reached their lowest point in years. 

Last week, the representatives of Jewish and Serbian communities in Croatia
announced that they would boycott the annual commemoration of the Jasenovac
concentration camp, where tens of thousands of their kin were killed during
World War Two. 

They did this in protest over attempts by some Croatian government members
to rehabilitate the pro-Nazi Ustasha movement, whose members operated the
camp. 

Ethnic Serbs in Croatia complain that since the new government was formed,
they have been subjected to increasing threats and harassment, which is
often tolerated, and sometimes even encouraged by the country's top
officials. Serbia has protested, to not much avail.


Croatia flexes it muscles


Meanwhile, Croatia has found itself under increasing pressure from Brussels
and several member states to lift the block and allow Serbia to open Chapter
23. 

Johannes Hahn, the EU commissioner in charge of enlargement, had a quiet
word with top Croatian officials last weekend. 

Austria and Hungary, among others, also publicly appealed to Zagreb to try
to solve its problems with Belgrade through bilateral talks, or in later
stages of the accession negotiations. 

This is because Serbia is seen by many as a key player in the Western
Balkans, and if its membership talks stall, regional stability could suffer.


So far, however, Croatia is not budging, and its leaders unanimously insist
that their demands are met in full before they let Serbia make any further
progress.

There is a slight chance that Vucic and Grabar Kitarovic could find a sliver
of common ground at a trilateral meeting with Bosnian president Bakir
Izetbegovic in Mostar on Tuesday. 

But it's a long shot and the mood in Belgrade is gloomy. 

"Even if the Croats drop their demands in a week or two, we'll almost
certainly miss the June date for chapter opening," a high-ranking Serbian
diplomat closely involved with the EU negotiations told EUobserver. 

He said that Belgrade expected Croatia to flex its EU muscles during the
enlargement negotiations, but it was surprised that this occurred already at
such an early stage of the process, which, even in the best-case scenario,
would take several years to conclude. 

"They're trying to push us off the field before the game even begins," the
diplomat said. "I shudder to think what they'll do once we really start
playing."

 

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