<https://foreignpolicy.com/2017/01/31/donald-trumps-big-league-balkans-probl
em-kosovo-serbia/> Donald Trump's Big League Balkans Problem

The first victim of Trump-induced instability might not be Ukraine, or the
Baltics - but tiny Kosovo.

*       By  <https://foreignpolicy.com/author/valerie-hopkins> Valerie
Hopkins
*       January 31, 2017
*        
*        <javascript:void(0);>  <javascript:void(0);>  <javascript:void(0);>
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<mailto:?subject=Check%20out%20this%20story%20on%20Foreign%20Policy&body=Don
ald%20Trump%E2%80%99s%20Big%20League%20Balkans%20Problem%20-%20https://forei
gnpolicy.com/2017/01/31/donald-trumps-big-league-balkans-problem-kosovo-serb
ia/> 

FERIZAJ, Kosovo - Armend Miftari's love for the United States is unwavering,
even in the wake of Donald Trump.

Like many in the city of Ferizaj, home to the sprawling U.S. military base
Camp Bondsteel, Miftari remains an America devotee, thanks to the role the
United States played in freeing his country from the rule of Serbian
strongman Slobodan Milosevic in 1999.

While Kosovo's capital, Pristina, is home to a famously jovial bronze statue
of former U.S. President Bill Clinton, which looms over an eponymous
boulevard, Ferizaj has its own Bill Clinton Sports Hall, to the west of the
city, so named because the former U.S. president once gave a speech there.
On a recent walk through town, it seemed at least one out of every 10
teenagers had a U.S. flag emblazoned on a backpack, T-shirt, or pair of
jeans. Miftari, 38, who spent the war as a refugee in Germany, later went to
work for the Americans at Bagram Airfield in Afghanistan as a builder; it
was there that he penned a schmaltzy song of gratitude: "
<https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=M2rTafbQepg> Thank You USA."

But Miftari's allegiance now competes with anxiety. To Kosovo, he says, the
prospect of Trump in the White House "feels like a nightmare" - and not just
because the country is more than 90 percent Muslim. The danger, he says, is
already evident in the comments under his music video, which is posted on
YouTube: "Ever since Trump won, lots of people have been commenting on the
video that it is Serbia's dream come true. And that Trump is on their side
and will return Kosovo to Serbia."

In the weeks since the U.S. election, eyes have been trained on Ukraine, the
Baltics, and other prominent geopolitical arenas. But tiny Kosovo has
already become a testing ground for how the forces unleashed by Trump's
victory will play out on the international stage. The country, which sits in
the Balkans sandwiched between four larger neighbors, still lacks an army
and is therefore helpless without the U.S. security guarantees, and
diplomatic reliability, that Trump has threatened to withdraw.

Since declaring independence in 2008, Kosovo has won recognition from some
113 countries. Russia and China, however, are among the countries that have
demurred, supporting Serbia's continued claims to the territory. The United
States, one of the first countries to recognize its independence, advocates
for Kosovo on the international stage; it lobbied heavily for Kosovo's
UNESCO bid in 2015, for example (which
<https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/nov/09/kosovo-fails-in-unesco-member
ship-bid> failed by three votes). More than 4,200 NATO troops, including
some 650 Americans, are stationed in Kosovo. In a brief conversation with
Trump before his inauguration, Kosovo's ambassador to Washington
<http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/kosovo-ambassador-in-us-brief-talk-
with-trump-01-18-2017> said she told the incoming president that she
represented "the most pro-American nation on the face of the earth." With
the advent of the "America First" era, however, it's not clear that Kosovo,
for all its fervor, will be a priority.

It's no secret, then, why emotions ran high here during the U.S. election.
The country is dominated by Albanians like Miftari, who remain ardent
admirers of the Clintons (in addition to the Bill Clinton statue, Pristina
is home to a few
<http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2016/02/kosovo-shops-celebrate-hi
llary-clinton-style-160229110654079.html> boutiques named after his wife,
former secretary of state and Democratic presidential nominee Hillary
Clinton). But it is also home to a Serb minority who live in the northern
part of the country, feel trapped between Belgrade and Pristina, and have
embraced Trump in part out of a desire to "stick it to the system," said
analyst Branislav Nesovic, who is from Kosovo's northernmost municipality,
Leposavic.

The U.S. campaign also inflamed Kosovo's northern neighbor. Serbian Radical
leader Vojislav Seselj led
<https://theintercept.com/2016/08/16/serb-inspired-ethnic-cleansing-bosnia-l
eads-vote-trump-rally-belgrade/> pro-Trump protests last summer during U.S.
Vice President Joe Biden's visit to Belgrade and urged Serbian-Americans to
vote for Trump "for [the] future of Serbia." When Trump won, Seselj
<http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/article/serbian-radical-leader-seselj-plays
-chetnik-song-dedicated-to-trump-11-10-2016> played a song for the new
president-elect in Serbia's parliament; in the song, which was composed by
members of the Serbian diaspora in Milwaukee, the singer revels in the fact
that Trump and Vladimir Putin will become co-emperors of the world and hopes
he - Trump - will deport Muslims from the United States as he promised in
his campaign. Other responses were only slightly more restrained. Marko
Djuric, a Serbian politician responsible for ongoing EU-brokered
negotiations to "normalize" relations with Kosovo, said he whipped out a
bottle of champagne to celebrate Trump's victory. Serbia, which is a
candidate for EU membership but also maintains close ties with Russia, sees
Trump's regard for Putin as a good thing, Djuric said. "Our hope is that the
new U.S. administration led by Donald Trump could make a significant
contribution to the global de-escalation of relations between the major
powers," he said.

Meanwhile, the Russian-allied Serbian nationalists inside Kosovo, who still
see the country as part of Serbia, have been emboldened by an incoming U.S.
president who they see as an ideological ally.

In northern Kosovo, whose predominantly ethnic Serb residents still cling to
Serbian institutions and see their capital as Belgrade, Trump's victory was
celebrated with raucous festivities and cheers.

In northern Kosovo, whose predominantly ethnic Serb residents still cling to
Serbian institutions and see their capital as Belgrade, Trump's victory was
celebrated with raucous festivities and cheers. Days after the election,
billboards went up in Mitrovica, a northern city divided between ethnic
Serbs and Albanians. Emblazoned with Trump's picture, the signs proclaimed
proudly that "Serbs stood by him all along!"

These growing tensions boiled over suddenly this month when Serbia
<http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-38666279> tried to send a new,
Russian-donated train from Belgrade to Mitrovica. The train, adorned with
icons from Serbian Orthodox monasteries in Kosovo and plastered with the
provocative slogan "Kosovo is Serbia" in 21 languages, was stopped just
before the disputed border, after Serbian Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic
said ethnic Albanians had put dynamite on the tracks. The Kosovo government
sent special police units to the border to block the train from entry.

The rhetoric between Belgrade and Pristina continued to escalate sharply
after the train episode: Serbian President Tomislav Nikolic said he was
ready to send the Serbian army to Kosovo, while Kosovo President Hashim
Thaci countered by saying that Serbia was intending to annex the northern
part of Kosovo using the "
<http://www.reuters.com/article/us-serbia-kosovo-president-idUSKBN15022Y>
Crimea model." After a meeting of the Serbian Security Council, Nikolic
<http://www.blic.rs/vesti/politika/nikolic-spremni-smo-da-posaljemo-vojsku-n
a-kosovo-ako-budu-ubijani-srbi/14z1m23> told reporters that he thought the
timing of the events was related to the outgoing U.S. administration, though
he didn't elaborate. Relations have remained tense since; the two countries'
prime ministers are due to meet in Brussels Feb. 1.

Serbia remains unlikely to truly "take a leaf out of the Crimea playbook"
for the moment, said Florian Bieber, the director of the Centre for
Southeast European Studies at the University of Graz in Austria. After all,
the country still has aspirations of joining the EU, and Russia has not yet
sent clear signals of support for the idea to tempted Serbian nationalists.
But, he said, "I do think that Trump coming to power means that there will
be a lot of testing the waters in the coming weeks and months."

Lumir Abdixhiku, executive director at the Riinvest Institute, a
Pristina-based think tank, worries that Trump's victory will upend a global
order that Kosovo's existence has depended on for almost 20 years. "A small
shift in U.S. foreign policy will mean major implications in this part of
the world," he said. "This part of the world needs international presence
and international police, and if the U.S. is willing to let go of the power
that it has, someone else will take its place, and for us that is bad news."

It's not clear that the train incident and the ensuing rhetoric stemmed from
a new Trump-enabled sense of Serbian impunity; some analysts say the bold
words might also have been the result of local factors. Serbia's
presidential elections are scheduled for April, and both President Nikolic
and Prime Minister Vucic are contenders for the nomination from the Serbian
Progressive Party. Vucic has been leading the relatively unpopular dialogue
with Kosovo and may have sent the train to assuage concerns that too many
concessions were being made to what Belgrade still views as its southern
province. Nikolic's aggressive statements after the train was turned back
may, too, have been aimed at a nationalist base.

Regardless of the reason for the escalation, however, Bieber said the
progress made since 2011 in the EU-brokered negotiations between Kosovo and
Serbia, which are intended to result in "normalization of relations," could
now be upended. Keeping negotiations on track requires a strong EU,
supported by the United States. "If the U.S. sends other signals, that
brings ambiguity, and there is at least a risk that the process might
falter," Bieber said.

So far, Kosovo's fate has received little attention during the tumultuous
transition period and first few days of the new administration. It came up
briefly during confirmation hearings for Gen. James Mattis, the new
secretary of defense, during which Mattis reiterated U.S. commitment to the
country, calling it "an example of what happens when the international
community, led by America, commits itself to the defense of its interests
and values." It's not clear, however, that Mattis speaks for Trump.

For now, however, Miftari is keeping the faith. He will never, he says, stop
loving America, even though the next four years make him nervous.

"I am skeptical [of Trump]," he said. "But then I think to myself, he is an
American, too."

Photo credit: ANDREJ ISAKOVIC/AFP/Getty Images

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 <https://foreignpolicy.com/tag/dispatch/> Dispatch
<https://foreignpolicy.com/tag/europe/> Europe
<https://foreignpolicy.com/tag/serbia/> Serbia
<https://foreignpolicy.com/tag/trump/> Trump 

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