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<https://www.forbes.com/sites/dougbandow/2017/01/24/bungled-intervention-in-
kosovo-risks-unraveling-a-new-deal-needed-for-peace/#1ad68e961b16>  


Bungled Intervention In Kosovo Risks Unraveling: A New Deal Needed For Peace


Doug Bandow

Washington's policy in the Balkans never made much sense. The U.S. wanted to
keep some nations together and dismantle others. American officials deplored
ethnic cleansing in some cases and ignored other instances.

The only principle which explained Washington's actions was that the Serbs
always lose. With Kosovo and Serbia now shouting threats of war, it's time
for the U.S. and Europe to take a more even-handed approach.



A train from Russia, decorated with the Serbian flag and artwork featuring
Serbian churches, monasteries and medieval towns, plans to begin trips
traveling from Belgrade to Kosovska Mitrovica.  (OLIVER BUNIC/AFP/Getty
Images)

Yugoslavia was an artificial creation of the Versailles Treaty. It survived
after World War II due to the repression of Communist dictator Josef Broz
Tito and fear of invasion by the Soviet Union. But Tito died in 1980 and the
Soviet Union collapsed a decade later, eroding the cement which held
together the ethnic and religious polyglot nation.

In the ensuing political vacuum Slobodan Milosevic won power by playing the
Serbian nationalist card. Other ethnic groups responded by establishing
their own nations. The Balkans erupted.

The first Bush administration originally supported Yugoslavia's territorial
integrity, but Germany recognized Slovenia's secession, spurring
Yugoslavia's serial break-up. The U.S. and Europeans supported creation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina (divided among Muslims, ethnic Serbs, and ethnic
Croats) and Croatia (with a large ethnic Serb population in the Krajina
region). However, after encouraging the break-up of Yugoslavia, the allies
suddenly opposed secession of ethnic Croats and Serbs from Bosnia and ethnic
Serbs from Croatia.

While Serb atrocities were common and noteworthy, Muslims and Croats were
not innocents. Nevertheless, Washington and Brussels expected ethnic Serb
minorities to politely suffer under other ethnic majorities, even when faced
with ethnic cleansing. For instance, Croatia, buttressed by U.S. aid,
launched a large-scale military offensive against the Krajina Serbs, causing
hundreds of thousands to flee. Years later I visited the region: the rural
landscape was dotted with abandoned farms and ruined Orthodox churches,
while the façades of urban buildings were pockmarked with bullet holes.
However, Washington refused to acknowledge, let alone criticize, this
episode of ruthless ethnic cleansing.



Secretary of State Hillary Clinton (C) smiles as she walks out of a store
named in her honor, which is located next to an unseen statue of her
husband, former US president Bill Clinton, on a stop driving from the
airport to Pristina. (MANDEL NGAN/AFP/Getty Images)

The bias persists today. Last week Washington sanctioned Milorad Dodik,
President of Republika Srpska, the ethnic Serb section of tripartite Bosnia,
for "obstructing" the U.S.-backed Dayton Accords, which forced ethnic Serbs
to remain in Muslim-dominated Bosnia. Dodik responded by calling the U.S.
ambassador to Bosnia "a proven enemy." Certainly Washington rates that title
from ethnic Serbs everywhere.

Kosovo became the next Balkan crisis. Intimately tied to Serbian history and
culture, the region's population shifted over the years with an influx of
ethnic Albanians, creating a large majority. An insurgency arose in response
to Belgrade's repressive rule. However, U.S. officials originally denounced
the guerrillas as "terrorists." But ethnic Albanians were media savvy. In
the summer of 1998 I met with a top aide to local opposition leader Ibrahim
Rugova, who later became Kosovo's first president. The former told me that
ethnic Albanians needed Western military intervention, and that required
getting the conflict onto CNN. Hence the sometimes dubious atrocity claims
amid a brutal counter-insurgency campaign that killed civilians as well as
combatants.

So the U.S. and NATO entered the war, despite the absence of any security
threat to America or Europe. The Milosevic government responded by expelling
thousands of ethnic Albanians. After the victorious allies ousted Serb
security forces, the triumphant ethnic Albanian Kosovars launched their own
campaign of ethnic cleansing, kicking out around a quarter of a million
Serbs, Roma, and others. The U.S. and Europeans, though occupying the
territory, did little. A few years later another round of ethnic Albanian
violence drove many of the remaining ethnic Serbs into camps or to Kosovo's
north, in which a majority of residents were ethnic Serbs. Pristina acquired
a dubious reputation, essentially a gangster statelet ruled by war
criminals. It was a black hole for organized crime, where Saudi Arabia, in
particular, underwrote efforts to radicalize heretofore moderate and secular
Muslims.

There are worse places to live and Serbia has its own problems, but Kosovo
has not earned the right to hold ethnic Serbs in political bondage. For
instance, Freedom House's 2016 "Freedom in the World" report rated Kosovo as
only "partly free," with middling scores for both political rights and civil
liberties. Among other problems, "journalists report frequent harassment and
intimidation, and occasional physical attacks." Crimes against non-ethnic
Albanians are rarely prosecuted. The courts suffer from political
interference and bribery. Corruption facilitates human trafficking and more.

Human Rights Watch said "human rights protections progressed slowly" last
year, with "serious abuses" remaining. For instance, there were "threats and
attacks against journalists." The U.S. State Department put together a
36-page human rights report. Among the problems: "Reported police
mistreatment of detainees; substandard physical conditions in prisons; drug
abuse, corruption, and favoritism in prisons; lengthy pretrial detention and
judicial inefficiency resulting in mistrials." There also were restrictions
on religious liberty, intimidation of the media, and attacks on displaced
people returning to their homes. A European Commission report last year
found many of the same problems: "slow and inefficient" courts,
"insufficient accountability of judicial officials," and extensive
corruption.

 

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