euobserver.com <https://euobserver.com/enlargement/138172>  


EU-critical radicals double support in Kosovo


Aleksandra Eriksson

9-11 minutes

  _____  

Blockage over EU-backed reforms sent Kosovars to the polls on Sunday (11 June), 
but the election outcome will likely lead to more political turmoil. 

Kosovo's electoral committee is still counting the votes, but the centre-right 
PDK has claimed victory in Sunday's poll. 

*       Election poster for Ramush Haradinaj in central Pristina. 

The PDK had formed a pre-election coalition with AAK and Nisma, which all claim 
the legacy of the Kosovo Liberation Army, a guerrilla force that sought 
separation from Serbia in the 1990s.

This coalition had nominated AAK's Ramush Haradinaj as its candidate for prime 
minister. 

Haradinaj was a KLA guerrilla leader during the war. Serbia has accused him of 
war crimes, but he has been cleared of charges twice by an international 
tribunal in The Hague.

The coalition could take one third of the poll. 

PDK, however, lost its position as Kosovo's largest party on Sunday. 

That title can now be claimed by Vetevendosje, which has been labelled as a 
radical, anti-EU party.

It has a programme combining social-democracy with nationalist ideas of 
unification with Albania.

The party is set to double its support, from 14 to just under 30 percent, 
albeit on the lowest voter turn-out that Kosovo has known since gaining 
independence in 2008. 

The centre-right LDK party, which headed the previous government, could score 
less than 25 percent of the poll. 

Twenty of the parliament's 120 seats are also reserved for Kosovo's ethnic 
minorities. 

The snap ballot was called after months of deadlock in the country's 
parliament, which refused to pass controversial reforms that would grant 
Kosovars visa-free travel to the EU. 

The reforms included an EU-brokered deal to give more powers to ethnic Serbs in 
Kosovo, as well as a border demarcation deal with Montenegro that would 
formally recognise the boundaries between the two countries. 


Awkward coalitions


Krenar Gashi, a political scientist from Ghent university, said the elections 
had been less marked by political vision than by pragmatic attempts on behalf 
of the ruling parties to stay in power. 

PDK had backed the motion of no confidence which brought down a government in 
which it had a majority because their coalition partner, LDK, was unable to 
pass the border deal with Montenegro.

But PDK then entered an awkward coalition with two of the parties that helped 
sabotage reform efforts, including by use of violence. 

MPs from the AAK and Nisma, as well as Vetevendosje, claimed the border deal 
would mean Kosovo lost some 8,000 hectares of its land, and stopped votes on 
the matter by throwing teargas in the parliament.

PDK's behaviour could be explained by its voter base, Gashi said. They back the 
party for the KLA's role in the war, and for PDK's investments in roads and 
other infrastructure. They do not mind too much that PDK and its senior 
officials have been involved in corruption scandals and affairs. 

"PDK will do anything to stay in power, from buying off MPs, to blackmailing 
them, and they may reach a functional majority, because it would lose its 
clientelistic electorate if it went into opposition," Gashi said. 

He explained the rise of Vetevendosje as the result of an ever-growing 
dissatisfaction with the last decade's way of governing by the PDK. 

"They are the only political entity that insists on ideas. The decision to run 
alone in the election, whilst other parties reached coalitions, showed once 
again the lack of political pragmatism from their leadership, which they 
capitalised in votes by using the perception of being uncorrupted and, as they 
promote, incorruptible”, he said.

He suggested that Vetevendosje and LDK could try to reach a coalition around 
common interests, if the PDK-led coalition failed to secure support for its 
government. 


Pristina mood


Vetevendosje was the party of choice for many voters that EUobserver spoke to 
during a recent visit to Pristina. 

Kosovo's capital is the party's stronghold. 

The young and progressive city elected Vetevedosje vice-chairman Shpend Ahmeti 
as a mayor in 2014, and his scandal-free performance has since prompted further 
support for the party. 

One young woman told EUobserver she had a close relative who ranked high in 
LDK, but she would still vote for Vetevedosje.

"People are now hired to work for the city on the basis of their merits!" she 
said with enthusiasm. 

Vetevendosje was also the party of a taxi driver, who had worked as a chemist, 
but said he was fired when PDK put pressure on his boss to make room for PDK 
voters. 

Labinot Pllana, an IT expert in the international banking sector, said he also 
considered voting for Vetevendosje. 

"I agree with their programme to 80 percent,” he said. But he added the party's 
violent methods would make him think twice about his vote.

"In any case, I will vote for a woman since they are less supported by men and 
are less likely to be corrupted," Pllana told EUobserver. 


EU relations


Brussels has traditionally backed the PDK and LDK, which it sees as guarantees 
of stability. 

Vetevendosje's Aida Derguti, a vice-president of Kosovo's parliamentary 
assembly during the previous mandate, said it was wrong to call her his party 
anti-EU: "On the contrary, we want to join the EU." 

But she said the relationship with Brussels should be more of a relationship of 
equals. 

She said the party suffered from bad press, especially over its stance on 
reunification with Albania. 

Vetevendosje wants a referendum on a clause in Kosovo's constitution, which 
bars the country from merging with another country. 

The constitution was written by international experts and was never put to a 
popular vote by Kosovars. 

"In every interview we have to explain our stance on reunification with 
Albania. Our other messages aren't heard," Derguti said, adding that a greater 
Albania would benefit the power balance in the Balkans, by providing a 
counterweight to Serbia. 

She also suggested that the EU currently played a role in Kosovo's political 
instability. 

"PDK and LDK got elected by promising work places, anti-corruption measures and 
better healthcare. But after the elections, another agenda got priority," she 
said.

The MP said the EU had pressured PDK and LDK after the last elections to form a 
broad coalition that would pass controversial reforms. 

But EU support to the old elites only stymied reform, she said, by keeping 
"corrupt guys in office". 

She also opposed that the demarcation deal should be part of Kosovo's visa 
liberalisation.

Kosovo has been called the most pro-US and pro-EU country on earth, but it's 
also one of the most isolated. 

The country is still not recognised by five EU member states: Cyprus, Greece, 
Romania, Slovakia, and Spain. 

It's also a visa enclave in the Balkan region, where all its neighbours have 
been able to travel freely to the Schengen area for years. 

Even war-torn Ukraine got this right before Kosovo, irking people further.

Another sore subject are the EU-brokered agreement negotiations with Belgrade. 

Research by Birn 
<http://www.balkaninsight.com/en/file/show/Images/BigDeal/BIG%20DEAL%20ENG%20FINAL.pdf>
 , the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network, has shown that Kosovars are 
constituently disappointed over the dialogue. 

Derguti said the EU was trying to bring Serbia closer for fear the country 
would turn to Russia instead, but this meant the bloc couldn't push Belgrade 
very hard. 

"We shouldn't pay the price of Serbia's accession," she said. 

 

Vetevendosje's Aida Derguti meeting a young fan at an election rally. Photo: 
Aleksandra Eriksson


Not a partnership of equals


Fredrik Wesslau, director of the Wider Europe programme at the European Council 
on Foreign Relations, said that Vetevendosje’s increased political influence in 
Kosovo following the elections risked making Kosovo’s relationship with the EU 
more complicated. Vetevendosje’s influence could hamper political 
decision-making in Kosovo and make Kosovo less inclined to follow EU 
conditionality.

”The EU’s relationship with countries wishing to become members of the EU is 
not a partnership of equals,” he said. 

“The EU sets conditions that others have to meet. Kosovo is trying to become 
part of the EU, not the other way around,” he added.

”The accession process incentivises countries wishing to join the EU to take 
very difficult decisions that they would otherwise not take. It has helped 
these countries modernise and adopt the EU aquis," he said, referring to the 
EU's body of laws and standards. ”Kosovo has made plenty of progress thanks to 
this."

He also described Vetevendosje as a "largely unconstructive force" in Kosovo 
politics, pointing to its use of tear gas in the parliament and violent 
demonstrations.

"They started out as revolutionary, anti-establishment pranksters. This has had 
a certain appeal to young people, but Vetevendosje’s politics are highly 
nationalistic and in some cases extreme. They oppose any form of dialogue with 
Serbia and support the notion of Greater Albania," he said.

Wesslau also warned against painting an overly-bleak picture of the situation 
in the country.

"Kosovo has a poor reputation, but this is unfair," he said. "There are 
peaceful transitions of power and not the uncontrolled consolidation of power 
seen in other countries in the Western Balkans. Rule of law remains a 
challenge, however, as elsewhere in the region."

He said that PDK and LDK enjoyed support thanks largely to their leaders who 
many considered charismatic.

It is likely that the PDK-AAK coalition will manage to form a government, 
possibly together with the minority parties, according to Wesslau.

 

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