politico.eu 
<https://www.politico.eu/article/a-balkan-border-change-the-west-eu-should-welcome-kosovo-serbia-land-swap/>
  


A Balkan border change the West should welcome – POLITICO


Marko Prelec

5-7 minutes

  _____  

Europe has an intense and understandable fear of changing national boundaries. 
But discussions about a land swap between Kosovo and Serbia, which have been in 
a simmering conflict for two decades, deserve careful support.

This means upending years of conventional thinking in Western foreign policy 
circles. But the tension between Serbia and Kosovo is a major headache for the 
Continent that needs to be tackled. It feeds instability on the European 
Union’s southeastern flank and presents a major obstacle to integrating the 
Western Balkans into the bloc.

Serbia doesn’t recognize Kosovo’s 2008 independence declaration and officially 
regards the territory — whose population is mainly ethnic Albanian — as a rebel 
province. Five EU member countries don’t recognize Kosovo either. Most of them, 
like Spain, have separatist fears of their own. Russia and China keep Kosovo 
out of the U.N. and in international limbo.

While the impasse continues, neither country has a realistic hope of joining 
the EU. Brussels has made clear to Belgrade that it must settle its dispute 
with Kosovo before it can become an EU member.

There is no solution to the Kosovo conundrum without an agreement both sides 
genuinely support, and a land swap is the key to such a deal. Kosovo would 
trade its Serb-majority northern municipalities for Albanian-majority parts of 
Serbia’s southwest. Serbia would recognize Kosovo and lift its opposition to 
U.N. membership; Kosovo would commit to retaining protections for medieval 
Serbian monasteries and its remaining Serb population.

The main objection is that changing a border anywhere threatens borders 
everywhere in the region.

Why would Serbia agree to a deal like this? Because it represents an 
acknowledgement that American and European policy toward them has failed. 
Kosovo broke away under international supervision and on the assumption Serbia 
would eventually have to recognize its independence and territorial integrity. 
A land swap lets Serbia say: “You tried to do this without us and it didn’t 
work.” Admissions like that are potent, especially when countries grapple with 
emotionally charged issues like history, identity, and territory.

For its part, Kosovo gets to be a full member of the international community 
and has a clearer path to EU membership. It could immediately join the Council 
of Europe, bringing its people the protections of the European Court of Human 
Rights.

Why, then, is there so much opposition? Chancellor Angela Merkel said last week 
<https://www.politico.eu/article/angela-merkel-no-balkan-border-changes-kosovo-serbia-vucic-thaci/>
  “there are attempts to perhaps talk about borders and we can’t do that.” Carl 
Bildt, who has been involved in the region for almost 30 years, called 
<https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/global-opinions/wp/2018/08/09/further-balkanizing-the-balkans-is-a-recipe-for-disaster/?noredirect=on&utm_term=.2c620feaf033>
  the idea “a recipe for geopolitical instability.” (On the other hand, 
Wolfgang Petritsch, the EU’s main negotiator at the Kosovo peace talks, backs 
the idea 
<http://ba.n1info.com/a278613/English/NEWS/Petritsch-Changes-of-Serbia-Kosovo-border-not-a-threat.html>
 .)

The main objection is that changing a border anywhere threatens borders 
everywhere in the region. Macedonia has a large ethnic Albanian minority that 
dominates a swath of territory extending to the outskirts of the capital, 
Skopje; a breakaway would mean an awful war. Bosnia and Herzegovina’s 
Serb-dominated region routinely threatens to secede. Surely a land swap would 
embolden them?

(From L) Kosovo’s President Hashim Thaçi, German Chancellor Angela Merkel and 
Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić speak together prior to the family photo 
during an EU-Western Balkans Summit in Sofia on May 17, 2018 | Ludovic 
Marin/AFP via Getty Images

Eight years ago, I went to Macedonia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina for the 
International Crisis Group 
<https://www.crisisgroup.org/europe-central-asia/balkans/kosovo/kosovo-and-serbia-after-icj-opinion>
  to research exactly this threat. I and my Albanian and Serb colleagues 
concluded the risk was real but manageable. Since then, Macedonia has become 
far more stable, and has a progressive, multiethnic government; NATO membership 
is possible as early as next year. The country’s Albanian population is 
pragmatic, and content to live in a state with good prospects of European 
integration and prosperity.

Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Serb Republic is another matter. Its leadership and 
many of its people really do want to secede. Yet they know it is impossible.

Glance at a map. Their region comprises two halves: a poor, small east along 
the Serbian border and a larger, richer west abutting Croatia. Joining them is 
the small self-governing district of Brčko. The Serbs could declare 
independence tomorrow, but two-thirds or more of their people would be cut off 
in the west, with no land route to friendly territory. Bosnia and Herzegovina’s 
constitution already gives their region extremely broad autonomy, which would 
probably be lost in the aftermath of a failed secession.

Many old Balkan hands 
<https://www.peacefare.net/2018/08/15/even-discussion-can-destabilize/>  
instinctively recoil from border changes, arguing that they reflect the logic 
of the horrific ethnic cleansing of the 1990s. Yet those were aggressive acts, 
and this would be the opposite. Kosovo and Serbia are talking about a mutually 
beneficial deal, with considerable support among the people who would be most 
directly affected. It promises to bring some genuine good will, a quality 
sorely lacking in the region.

Marko Prelec is professor of practice in the School of Public Policy at the 
Central European University.

  _____  

 

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