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From: norgesen 


Financial Coup d’Etat
Catherine Austin Fitts
February 2, 2009 


In the fall of 2001 I attended a private investment conference in London to 
give a paper, The Myth of the Rule of Law or How the Money Works: The 
Destruction of Hamilton Securities Group.

The presentation documented my experience with a Washington-Wall Street 
partnership that had:

  a.. Engineered a fraudulent housing and debt bubble; 
  b.. Illegally shifted vast amounts of capital out of the U.S.; 
  c.. Used “privitization” as form or piracy - a pretext to move government 
assets to private investors at below-market prices and then shift private 
liabilities back to government at no cost to the private liability holder. 
Other presenters at the conference included distinguished reporters covering 
privatization in Eastern Europe and Russia. As the portraits of British 
ancestors stared down upon us, we listened to story after story of global 
privatization throughout the 1990s in the Americas, Europe, and Asia.

Slowly, as the pieces fit together, we shared a horrifying epiphany: the banks, 
corporations and investors acting in each global region were the exact same 
players. They were a relatively small group that reappeared again and again in 
Russia, Eastern Europe, and Asia accompanied by the same well-known accounting 
firms and law firms.

Clearly, there was a global financial coup d’etat underway.


The magnitude of what was happening was overwhelming. In the 1990’s, millions 
of people in Russia had woken up to find their bank accounts and pension funds 
simply gone – eradicated by a falling currency or stolen by mobsters who 
laundered money back into big New York Fed member banks for reinvestment to 
fuel the debt bubble.

Reports of politicians, government officials, academics, and intelligence 
agencies facilitating the racketeering and theft were compelling. One lawyer in 
Russia, living without electricity and growing food to prevent starvation, was 
quoted as saying, “We are being de-modernized.”

Several years earlier, I listened to three peasant women describe the War on 
Drugs in their respective countries: Colombia, Peru, and Bolivia. I asked them, 
“After they sweep you into camps, who gets your land and at what price?” My 
question opened a magic door. They poured out how the real economics worked on 
the War on Drugs, including the stealing of land and government contracts to 
build housing for the people who are displaced.

At one point, suspicious of my understanding of how this game worked, one of 
the women said, “You say you have never been to our countries, yet you 
understand exactly how the money works. How is this so?” I replied that I had 
served as Assistant Secretary of Housing at the US Department of Housing and 
Urban Development (HUD) in the United States where I oversaw billions of 
government investment in US communities. Apparently, it worked the same way in 
their countries as it worked in mine.

I later found out that the government contractor leading the War on Drugs 
strategy for U.S. aid to Peru, Colombia and Bolivia was the same contractor in 
charge of knowledge management for HUD enforcement. This Washington-Wall Street 
game was a global game. The peasant women of Latin America were up against the 
same financial pirates and business model as the people in South Central Los 
Angeles, West Philadelphia, Baltimore and the South Bronx.

Later, courageous reporting by Naomi Klein and Greg Palast confirmed in detail 
that the privitization and economic warfare model I discussed in London had 
deep roots in Latin America.

We were experiencing a global “heist”: capital was being sucked out of country 
after country. The presentation I gave in London revealed a piece of the puzzle 
that was difficult for the audience to fathom. This was not simply happening in 
the emerging markets. It was happening in America, too.

I described a meeting that had occurred in April 1997, more than four years 
before that day in London. I had given a presentation to a distinguished group 
of U.S. pension fund leaders on the extraordinary opportunity to reengineer the 
U.S. federal budget. I presented our estimate that the prior year’s federal 
investment in the Philadelphia, Pennsylvania area had a negative return on 
investment.

We presented that it was possible to finance places with private equity and 
reengineer the government investment to a positive return and, as a result, 
generate significant capital gains. Hence, it was possible to use U.S. pension 
funds to significantly increase retirees’ retirement security by successfully 
investing in American communities, small business and farms — all in a manner 
that would reduce debt, improve skills, and create jobs.

The response from the pension fund investors to this analysis was quite 
positive until the President of the CalPERS pension fund — the largest in the 
country — said, “You don’t understand. It’s too late. They have given up on the 
country. They are moving all the money out in the fall [of 1997]. They are 
moving it to Asia.”

Sure enough, that fall, significant amounts of moneys started leaving the US, 
including illegally. Over $4 trillion went missing from the US government. No 
one seemed to notice. Misled into thinking we were in a boom economy by a 
fraudulent debt bubble engineered with force and intention from the highest 
levels of the financial system, Americans were engaging in an orgy of 
consumption that was liquidating the real financial equity we needed urgently 
to reposition ourselves for the times ahead.

The mood that afternoon in London was quite sober. The question hung in the 
air, unspoken: once the bubble was over, was the time coming when we, too, 
would be “de-modernized?”

In 2009 — more than seven years later — this is a question that many of us are 
asking ourselves.

http://solari.com/blog/?p=2058

Part II: Rethinking Diversification




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