Supreme Court Campaign Finance Ruling 
video: 
http://www.c-spanvideo.org/program/id/218491 

Steve Hoersting and Jamin Raskin talked about the Supreme Court decision on 
campaign finance regulations, and they responded to telephone calls and 
electronic communications. The 5-4 decision eliminates restrictions on 
corporate funding for political candidates & causes, citing that the 
government lacks the right to "prohibit political speech, even if the 
speaker is a corporation or union." 

===== 



The Pinocchio Project 
Watching as the Supreme Court turns a corporation into a real live boy. 
By Dahlia Lithwick 
Posted Thursday, Jan. 21, 2010, 

You will doubtless hear today that 89-year-old Justice John Paul Stevens read 
aloud from his partial dissent in Citizens United v. Federal Election 
Commission for almost 20 minutes in a slow, halting voice, periodically getting 
tangled up in thickets of words like "corporation" and "corruption." Meanwhile, 
a loud banging noise from the bench all but drowned him out. That's true. But 
Justice Anthony Kennedy fared no better reading from his majority opinion 
beforehand, tearing through the first part of his summary, then losing his 
place and stumbling through the holding. If Citizens United really represents 
the moment at which the Roberts court allows itself to finally give voice to 
its full-throated judicial activism, it's not clear Anthony Kennedy managed 
much more than a vocal mumble. He looked like he'd have preferred to have been 
reading his dissent from a soapbox. Or maybe from a crouch underneath the 
bench. Stevens haltingly worked his way through all five of his objections to 
the majority's holding today. Kennedy barely gulped out the holding itself. 
In part, as Rick Hasen suggests that's because Kennedy's soaring sonnet for 
corporate free speech has very little to do with the case at hand. The court 
had to reach out far beyond any place it needed to go to strike down 
century-old restrictions on corporate spending in federal elections. This 
started off as a case about a single movie . It morphed into John Roberts' 
Golden Globe night. 
So Kennedy doesn't really find his voice today until he gets to the 
fist-pounding bits: "If the First Amendment has any force, it prohibits 
Congress from fining or jailing citizens or associations of citizens, for 
simply engaging in political speech." "The censorship we now confront is vast 
in its reach." And: "When government seeks to use its full power, including the 
criminal law, to command where a person may get his or her information or what 
distrusted source he or she may not hear, it uses censorship to control 
thought. This is unlawful. The First Amendment confirms the freedom to think 
for ourselves." 
As Stevens says in reading his dissent, none of that has anything to do with 
the court's decision to topple decades' worth of legal architecture that had 
never been questioned in the courts. And Kennedy's visceral terror of speech 
bans (the word "ban" appears 29 times in his 57-page opinion) and "censorship" 
seems to override any sort of temperate assessment of either the facts of the 
case before him, the lack of substantial record in the lower courts, the 
significance of the cases he is overruling, or the consequences of today's 
opinion. Perhaps because this is the same Anthony Kennedy who was so 
exquisitely sensitive to the corrupting influence of money on public confidence 
in judicial elections in the Caperton case about judicial corruption, it's hard 
to comprehend what it is about unlimited corporate contributions that so moves 
him. 
If Kennedy is tentative this morning and Stevens is horrified, Justices Antonin 
Scalia and Clarence Thomas say nothing at all. They don't have to: They're the 
architects of the edifice Kennedy has erected. Reading from his dissent, 
Stevens describes their "sweeping" attacks on Michigan's campaign finance law 
in Austin v. Michigan Chamber of Commerce (one of the cases overruled today) as 
"having planted the seed that flowered" into today's majority opinion. 
While Stevens is reading the portion of his concurrence about the "cautious 
view of corporate power" held by the framers, I see Justice Thomas chuckle 
softly. (Scalia takes on this argument in his concurrence.) Stevens hammers, 
more than once this morning from the bench on the principle that corporations 
"are not human beings" and "corporations have no consciences, no beliefs, no 
feelings, no thoughts, no desires." He insists that "they are not themselves 
members of 'We the People' by whom and for whom our Constitution was 
established." 
But you can plainly see the weariness in Stevens eyes and hear it in his voice 
today as he is forced to contend with a legal fiction that has come to life 
today, a sort of constitutional Frankenstein moment when corporate speech 
becomes even more compelling than the "voices of the real people" who will be 
drowned out. Even former Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist once warned that 
treating corporate spending as the First Amendment equivalent of individual 
free speech is "to confuse metaphor with reality." Today that metaphor won a 
very real victory at the Supreme Court. And as a consequence some very real 
corporations are feeling very, very good. Dahlia Lithwick is a Slate senior 
editor. 

http://www.slate.com/id/2242208/ 

-- 
You received this message because you are subscribed to the Google Groups 
"ShadowGovernment" group.
To post to this group, send email to [email protected].
To unsubscribe from this group, send email to 
[email protected].
For more options, visit this group at 
http://groups.google.com/group/shadowgovernment?hl=en.

Reply via email to