http://www.nytimes.com/2007/07/05/technology/05whistle.htm?_r=1&oref=slogin

In India, Protecting a Whistle-Blower
J. N. Jayashree began blogging in the hopes of finding allies in the
battle against corruption and violence.

By ANAND GIRIDHARADAS
Published: July 5, 2007

MUMBAI, July 4 — J. N. Jayashree did not want her husband to die the
death of an Indian whistle-blower.

Four years ago, India was rocked by the murder of Satyendra Dubey, a
government engineer who exposed corruption in the national highway
building program. Two years later, Shanmughan Manjunath, a manager at
a state-owned oil company, laid bare a scheme to sell impure gasoline.
His body was found riddled with bullets in the back seat of his car.

To Ms. Jayashree, her husband, M. N. Vijayakumar, appeared to be
following in their footsteps. Mr. Vijayakumar, 51, is a bureaucrat in
the southern state of Karnataka, and he has a penchant for chastising
colleagues who supplement their modest salaries with bribes, kickbacks
and garden-variety pilferage.

In recent months, his chastising ruffled feathers at high levels, and
he began seeing the signs often directed at whistle-blowers in India:
He was pushed around the civil service like a hockey puck, switching
jobs seven times in the last nine months, most recently on June 26.

As her husband made powerful enemies, Ms. Jayashree began to fear for
his life. And so she devised an unusual ploy to protect him: she
blogged.

In the YouTube era, she reasoned, it is harder to kill a man who has a
bit of Internet renown.

"We're creating a fortress around him — a fortress of people," she
said in a telephone interview. "I wanted to inform the people that
this is happening, that my husband is a whistle-blower, so that it
becomes the responsibility of every citizen to protect him."

The result is a small-scale test of whether India's technology
revolution, which is empowering tens of millions, can tamp the
corruption that hinders India's ambitions. Transparency International,
a Berlin-based group that monitors global corruption trends, ranks
India below Colombia, Bulgaria and 67 other countries in its most
recent index of corruption. In a 2005 study, it concluded that Indians
pay more than $5 billion a year in bribes.

"The people who are supposed to be controlling corruption and fighting
on behalf of the poor, they are sucking blood out of the poor," Ms.
Jayashree said in the interview.

She built her Web site, fightcorruption.wikidot.com, with help from
her son, a doctoral student in computer science at Delaware State
University. On the site, she chronicles her husband's case and
criticizes the government. An aficionado of India's new
right-to-information laws, she has acquired and uploaded reams of
documents. She updates the site nearly every day and has received
responses from around the world, including many from Indian émigrés
who say they left the country because they found it too corrupt.
Government officials in predicaments like her husband's have sought
advice.

Arun Duggal, a senior adviser to Transparency International, called
the Web site pathbreaking for India.

"For an individual to use the powerful media of the Internet to take a
stand against corruption, to expose wrongdoing, to build a campaign
and a following, I think it's the first time I've seen it," said Mr.
Duggal, who is based in New Delhi.

Mr. Vijayakumar, in a telephone interview, said he had seen corruption
since his first days on the job. He said he had threatened to resign
five times and had filed about 25 formal complaints detailing specific
instances of corruption to P. B. Ma- hishi, the highest-ranking civil
servant in Karnataka, which includes the technology hub of Bangalore.
He said his complaints were rarely heeded.

The complaints have not been made public, but in the interview, Mr.
Vijayakumar offered an example of how he said officials operate with
near impunity: In the government agency that oversees state-owned
enterprises in Karnataka, he said it was routine for officials to
invent imaginary losses, and to solicit — and pocket — extra budgetary
allocations to recover those losses.

"People at the top are involved, so they hope people will forget about
it," Mr. Vijayakumar said. "But I don't forget."

Mr. Mahishi, the civil service chief, conceded in a telephone
interview that corruption was "everywhere," in his own bureaucracy and
in bureaucracies elsewhere. But he criticized Mr. Vijayakumar, calling
him a lazy, ineffective worker who often skipped meetings and stayed
silent about corruption for years before suddenly recoiling at it.

"Why did it take him 26 years to become active on the cause of
corruption?" Mr. Mahishi said.

Mr. Vijayakumar contended that he had always battled corruption, but
from the inside. What changed more recently, he said, is that his
pleas ceased to make a difference and that he began to sense his life
was in danger.

For instance, his wife said, one night last year, their doorbell rang
soon before midnight. There were men at the door, and they told Mr.
Vijayakumar that his younger son, a college student, had been in an
accident. Come with us, they said.

But the son was asleep in his bed at home, just steps from his father,
and the family concluded that the men had crafted a ruse to draw Mr.
Vijayakumar from the house. After 13 years in that home, they moved to
another neighborhood.

Corruption is nothing new in India. International surveys have
consistently described the country as a superpower of graft. But Ms.
Jaya- shree sees the temptation to swindle growing in an era when
bureaucratic salaries pale beside private-sector pay.

In the early years of the Indian republic, the civil service was plum
work. It came with a chauffeured car, cooks and servants, perhaps a
white bungalow in a posh neighborhood. Private enterprise, strangled
by socialist controls, often failed to match the perks and pay of
public service. The marriage market reflected the dynamic: Men with
admission to the civil service — and it was overwhelmingly male — were
among the most sought-after grooms.

But as India trades socialist dogmas for capitalist ones, the private
sector is becoming king. A sexagenarian veteran of the civil service
typically earns no more than $9,000 a year, excluding perks like
housing and a car. A 21-year-old engineer fresh out of college can
make about that much at a software firm like Infosys, with annual
raises of 15 percent.

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