Glas Javnosti, Belgrade, Yugoslavia
Monday 21 May 2001
Pilate-like washing of hands
by KOSTA CAVOSKI
After a longer period of time, the new federal and republic governments
devoted somewhat more attention to Kosovo and Metohija and our compatriots
in that occupied land. The cause was the so-called Constitutional Framework
for Provisional Autonomy of Kosovo and the upcoming November elections for
all Kosovo-Metohija state organs.
Even though the aforesaid "Constitutional Framework" has not yet been
published in its entirety, it is apparent that it is unacceptable both to
our state and to our compatriots in the southern Serbian province. First of
all, by it the last formal ties between Kosovo and Metohija and Serbia and
FR Yugoslavia are severed. Instead of clearly stating at least in the
preamble that Kosovo and Metohija is an integral part of Serbia and
Yugoslavia, something which UN Security Council Resolution 1244 also
establishes, the head of the interim administration purposely omitted such a
provision. Then he went on to establish in no way limited legislative,
executive and judicial organs of this province, as if it were a completely
sovereign country, without foreseeing any case jurisdiction of intermediary
organs in Belgrade, such as the possibility that at least some Serbian and
Yugoslav laws be directly applied in the Province and that the Supreme
Courts of Serbia and Yugoslavia should be the courts of final appeal for it.
And what is even worse, this "Constitutional Framework" does not condition
the holding of the scheduled November elections upon the prior return to
their homes of all refugees and expelled persons, among whom there are more
than 200,000 Serbs, nor does it foresee the establishment of polling
stations outside 0f Kosovo and Metohija so that these refugees and expelled
persons can vote should they desire. This means that for the interim
administration the ethnic cleansing of Serbs from Kosovo and Metohija is a
done deal which no longer needs to be taken into consideration.
This detrimental situation in our occupied province has presented the new
government of the country with great challenges. First of all, it is unable,
despite all idiosyncrasy, why the powerful foreign factors who allegedly
greeted the victory of Vojislav Kostunica and DOS, and the toppling of
Slobodan Milosevic as the chief culprit for the abuse and persecution of the
Arbanasi wholeheartedly continue to deepen the rift between Kosovo and
Metohija from Serbia for the purpose of transforming it into a completely
sovereign state. Because if the aggression against our country was
"justified" by Milosevic's "crimes, what serves to justify the prolonged
occupation of Kosovo and Metohija and their almost complete secession?
Within this context the adoption of a position on the announced elections
will mean the acceptance or non-acceptance of the de facto secession of our
southern Province. President Kostunica assessed this correctly and his
office advised that this "Constitutional Framework" does not represent a
sound basis for the protection of the rights and interests of national
communities, while participation in the upcoming elections depends on the
safe return of expelled and displaced Serbs, revelation of the fate of the
kidnapped and missing and establishment of an actual connection between this
"Constitutional Framework" and the state organs of our country.
Unlike Kostunica, who feels that the issue of the upcoming elections is a
decisive state issue, for Zoran Djindjic it is only a matter of concern to
our remaining compatriots in Kosovo and Metohija. That is why he says: "We
are here to support their decision not to make the decision instead of
them." This is the same Pilate-like washing of hands which Milosevic used at
the critical moment in the fate of the Serbs in Western Slavonia, Kninska
Krajina and Serbian Sarajevo in 1995 when he sent them the message that he
would accept whatever decision they made: either to stay in their homes and
risk their lives, or to flee and lose everything. Because it was not his job
to decide instead of them.
What Zoran Djindjic doesn't know or doesn't want to known is the obvious
truth that the state exists, among other reasons, in order to protect its
citizens from foreign violence, and not to feign inexperience by saying it
is an issue of "free" choice by these unfortunates.
Translated by S. Lazovic (May 29, 2001)
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