| Free press under
fire in Serbia
Little noticed outside the country, the Serbian government's crackdown on organized crime after the March 12 assassination of Prime Minister Zoran Djindjic has included repeated attacks on the independent press. Newspapers have been closed, journalists have been fined exorbitantly for alleged libel of government officials by compliant courts and the media have accused the government of censorship. The moves have drawn criticism from U.S. and European officials, apparently to little avail. But that may be changing. IN ADDITION, the Serbian government has packed the nine-member state Broadcasting Agency Council with its supporters including at least one of questionable origin.These actions have prompted protests and expressions of concern by U.S. Ambassador William Montgomery, Ian Willem Blankert of the European Commission and international press organizations such as the New York-based Committee to Protect Journalists. Yet until now, there has been no outcry from the general public in Serbia. The chief villain in the eyes of Serbian journalists is Vladimir "Baby'' Popovic, a flamboyant figure who is currently head of the coalition government's Office of Communications. Popovic, 44, has had a meteoric career, starting as a "brilliant'' accordion player, according those who know him, and working in Belgrade as a hotel waiter, a maitre d' and then a budding businessman. His marketing firm, Spektra, brought him into contact with Zoran Djindjic and other politicians who helped topple President Slobodan Milosevic three years ago. He then became the Belgrade representative of Ogilvy & Mather, the global marketing firm. He grew wealthy, bought apartments in several countries, collected art and was reputed to have "outstanding success with women,'' one Serbian paper reported. His moniker, "Baby,'' apparently alludes to his youthful face.
Nacional, a sensationalist tabloid, was banned and, three weeks later,
its assets were confiscated. Another newspaper, Identitet, was also closed
down. Heavy fines were imposed on two provincial television stations,
including TV Leskovac. An edition of the weekly Svedok was confiscated
because it carried an interview with Milorad Lukovic Legija, an organized
crime figure on the run after he was accused of masterminding the plot to
murder Djindjic. Cvijanovic quit his job, saying "it is impossible to edit Blic News in line with the principles of free and open journalism.'' One prominent journalist, Aleksandar Tijanic, responded by suing Popovic for libel, charging that he had "linked him to a media pressure group.'' Tijanic declared: "Each and every question which is stifled by force today will remain open forever.'' Popovic's latest suit is against NIN, a respectable and nationally prominent weekly, for "defamation of character.'' Filed last week, it demands 1 million dinars for causing "emotional distress'' to the plaintiff. At issue was a question published by NIN about Popovic's status as a government employee after Djindjic distanced himself from Popovic. In April that same question, posed by Gordana Susa, a TV reporter, prompted Popovic to call her and threaten her. At present there are more than 170 libel suits pending in Serbian courts.
In the absence of action on the Popovic situation, Montgomery ostentatiously visited the editorial offices of NIN on Tuesday to offer what its journalists interpreted as his support in the defamation case. The ugliness of the situation has reached the point where some observers are comparing it to the Milosevic period and even to the Communist era of Josip Broz Tito. Zivkovic appears to have grasped that. In an interview this week he declared: "As head of government I don't want such a battle with the media." Branislav Lecic, his minister of culture and media, has begun meetings with a group of Serbian editors to hear their objections to the new information law and to see if a compromise can be reached.
David Binder has covered the Balkans for four decades.
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