‘The struggle continues’

Symposium speakers tell participants that the civil rights movement
isn’t over yet; Cannon Beach event marks 50th anniversary of the Freedom
Rides

"Lift ev’ry voice and sing till earth and heaven ring, Ring with the
harmonies of liberty…."

— Black National Anthem

CANNON BEACH — While freedom music rang out all weekend in the Coaster
Theatre, and speakers recalled the struggles of the civil rights
movement of the 1950s and 1960s, the celebration was tempered by a
warning: Americans may be losing the democracy they fought so hard to
attain.

“Let me be clear: We can celebrate civil rights,” said Quintard Taylor,
American history professor from the University of Washington. “We can
talk about the civil rights campaign. Let’s understand that we can
celebrate the effort, but the campaign doesn’t always succeed. The
struggle continues.

“Those battles of the 1960s continue to be the battles of today.”

Taylor’s warning on the first night of a three-day symposium about the
civil rights movement was echoed throughout the weekend by the other
speakers taking the stage: author Taylor Branch and Freedom Riders Max
Pavesic and Joseph Stevenson.

Sponsored by the Cannon Beach Arts Association and Clatsop Community
College, the symposium commemorated the 50th anniversary of the Freedom
Rides that integrated public transportation in the South and the 25th
anniversary of the creation of the Martin Luther King holiday.

Some of those attending the symposium said they appreciated hearing
about the speakers’ experiences in the movement. Many said they were
unaware of the racial struggles in Portland and Seattle detailed by
Taylor. Others praised Branch’s challenge for people to – as the Freedom
Riders did – do something that makes them feel uncomfortable but
meaningful.

“I commend the arts association for taking on an issue as controversial
as civil rights,” said Bobbie Dore Foster, executive editor of The
Skanner, an African American newspaper in Portland.

“People know about it, but it’s an uncomfortable topic,” said Foster,
adding that young people may have heard about the civil rights movement
but don’t understand its significance.

“We need to revisit it like people revisit Lewis and Clark’s visit to
Astoria,” Foster said. “It affected the whole country, and it still
needs to be addressed.”

I shall not, I shall not be moved

I shall not, I shall not be moved

Like a tree planted by the water

I shall not be moved.

Following a performance of freedom songs by Marilyn Keller and the
Augustana Jazz Quartet of Portland, Taylor described the racial
segregation in housing, employment and schools throughout Portland and
Seattle during the 1960s.

“By 1960,” Taylor said, “91 percent of all African Americans in Oregon
lived in Albina (Northeast Portland), lived in the ghetto, lived in the
Portland ghetto. I don’t know of many states that had this kind of
concentration in the country at that particular time.”

Of those, 48 percent lived in substandard housing, Taylor added.

In Seattle, racial restrictions in housing weren’t removed until 1968,
following years of protests in the streets, a citywide referendum and
even a sit-in at City Hall.

Three days before the ordinance was passed, Martin Luther King was
assassinated in Memphis, Tenn.

“Cities exploded all over the country,” Taylor said. “There was concern
that Seattle would have a racial uprising as well, so the council
decided they had better do something about this stalled legislation,
they had better do something about making housing available to all
people of color throughout the city.”

Blacks also faced racial barriers in employment in both cities. While
Boeing grew rapidly, creating 148,000 jobs between 1965 and 1967 and
gobbling up white workers so much that Seattle had full employment, the
unemployment rate for blacks remained at 10 percent.

In Portland the story was much the same, Taylor said.

“As late as 1960, there were no blacks employed as sales personnel in
downtown Portland. There were no virtually no blacks employed in banking
enterprises in Portland, and there were few in manufacturing
enterprises, despite the existence of a 9-year-old law that prevented
racial discrimination in employment.”

Although the longshoreman’s union elsewhere regularly took in black
members, it wasn’t until 1962 that a black person was hired to work the
docks in Portland.

Schools were segregated, too: 80 percent of the black students in
Seattle attended schools in the central district in 1960. At least 86
percent of black students in Portland were concentrated in five of 94
grade schools, Taylor noted.

Efforts to bus students in Seattle mostly failed to improve educational
opportunities for black students, Taylor said. Portland still struggles
with “racial isolation,” he added.

But Taylor noted, the civil rights campaigns in Portland and Seattle
“served notice to white Pacific Northwesterners that black concerns
could no longer be ignored.”

“The civil rights campaigns energized and politicized two cities that
had become complacent about their racial status,” he said.

“We should also understand that that struggle is not over,” Taylor said.
“We need to be as brave as the people were in the 1960s to continue that
struggle until we finally reach that time when we won’t have to sing
those songs that Marilyn sang tonight.”

Retired educator Pauline Bradford, who moved to Portland from the South
in the 1950s and attended the symposium, said she experienced much of
what Taylor discussed. She still experiences some discrimination even
now.

“You think you’re going to a place that does not have that,” Bradford
said about her decision to move to Portland. “But it has been a rude
awakening all along.”

Ain’t gonna let nobody turn me around

I’m gonna keep on a-walkin,’ keep on a talkin’

Marchin’ down to freedom’s land

Max Pavesic took his Freedom Ride on a train called The City of New
Orleans, up to Jackson, Miss. He and 12 other university students, a
postal worker and a teacher were arrested for “breach of peace” because
they were congregating with blacks in the “whites only” waiting room and
refused to leave. They were taken to the city jail and eventually to
Parchman Farm, Mississippi’s notorious state prison.

“Mississippi was really a closed society,” said Pavesic, who described a
population controlled by the White Citizens Council, an organization of
prominent politicians and businessmen. “If they needed any dirty work,
they just brought the (Ku Klux) Klan in.”

By the time Pavesic was arrested, the fever of the Freedom Rides,
designed to integrate public transportation in the South, had spread
throughout the country. Eventually 450 people – mostly students, both
black and white – rode buses, trains and airplanes and were arrested for
their efforts. Of those, 300 ended up in Parchman Farm.

He didn’t see the other prisoners, but they sang to each other.

“That’s what really kept the camaraderie going in jail,” said Pavesic,
who now lives in Idaho. “Singing every night ‘We Shall Overcome’ and
other songs. It was kind of the main communication for the total group …
It kept our spirits up. It was a very important part of our experience.”

After spending 39 days in a 6-foot by 9-foot cell in the prison’s
maximum-security section, Pavesic was released. His charge later was
dropped on appeal.

During Saturday’s session on Freedom Rides, Pavesic recalled meeting
civil rights leader Medgar Evers. The meeting took place in a driveway,
but Evers knew his life was in danger, Pavesic said.

As he spoke to the audience, Pavesic broke down in tears. “It was a very
hard time for me,” he said. Then, after a pause, he continued. “We were
in the driveway, and he said, ‘It’s not safe here; let’s go inside.’

“Eighteen months later, he was assassinated.”

Joseph Stevenson, of Astoria, told his story about riding a train from
Los Angeles to Houston when he was 18 and being arrested and beaten in
the Harris County Jail.

“And now, 50 years later, there are a lot of young people growing up who
don’t know anything about this,” Stevenson said. “In some ways, the
problems that were down there that we tried to fix haven’t been fixed.
There’s a lot of racism still in this country. We have a black
president, and when that happened, it was quite a day for me.

“Is racism still a huge thing in this country? Of course it is, of
course it is. We’re nowhere near done with that. It’s being used
politically in the worst kind of way as much as it was back then.”

Before viewing a two-hour film called “Freedom Riders,” to be premiered
on the Public Broadcasting Service’s “American Experience” program May
11, audience members asked questions of Pavesic and Stevenson.

Teletha Benjamin, of Portland, recalled her school days in Louisiana. As
a high school senior in 1953, she and other students demonstrated
against the school board, which, she said, attempted to remove black
students from the school they had attended all their lives three months
before graduation.

“Personally, I feel that everything has changed and nothing has
changed,” Benjamin said. “I still have to have that little strain of
hope that somebody’s going to pick it up and keep it going and keep
battering and battering until it happens.”

Oh, freedom, oh, freedom, oh, freedom over me,

And before I’d be a slave, I’ll be buried in my grave,

And go home to my Lord, and be free.

The son of a dry cleaner in Georgia, Taylor Branch set out on a quest to
discover what black people knew about the human soul that whites didn’t.

Twenty-four years later, he came away with personal stories compiled
into a 3,000-page trilogy on the civil rights movement and a Pulitzer
for the first book, “Parting the Waters: America in the King Years,
1954-63.”

But more than a set of three very thick books, Branch found the courage
to delve deep into a culture that, at first, felt uncomfortable and
intimidating.

“We young white folks in the segregated South believed we were destined
to grow up and wear neckties and use big words, but that black folks had
the keys to the human heart. That, somehow, they knew things about the
world that we were cut off from. And why is that?” Branch told the
audience during a two-hour presentation Saturday night.

“The whole world seemed shook up by these little … small children that
marched into Birmingham into the dogs and fire hoses, singing Sunday
school songs and did not run and kept marching. Over 1,000 of them a
day, May 2, May 3, 1963. I’m a junior in high school.

“I wanted to know where that came from, where that came from and what
made it resonate so deep.”

People learn through stories, Branch said. That’s why he conducted 2,000
interviews and pieced together stories from the leaders and the “average
Americans” in the civil rights movement.

“We learn through stories because the humanity of the stories is what
our ideas are built on,” Branch said. “In race relations, humanity
rules.”

A movement is something that starts with an inner movement, “like a
little whisper,” Branch said. It requires people to leap into the
unknown and reach beyond themselves. Then, they find other people who
have also reached “across lines that you never believed existed.”

“So that by the time they marched from Selma into Montgomery, the
movement grew so big that you could literally feel history changing in
the movement. That’s what a movement is. And it did change history.”

But Branch worries that what the country gained through the civil rights
movement might be lost.

“We are in the sad situation today, in which the watchword of politics
has shifted from movement, on the strength of what these kids did, to
spin. What’s the difference between movement and spin? Movement changed
the world from the inside out, and spin is all about something that’s
not going anywhere and it’s just about the nonsense of nonmotion. It’s a
game.

“We’ve allowed our politics to be debased,” he said.

America is “wholly out of phase with the historical lessons that we
should have learned from the civil rights era about the potential of our
democracy to address significantly difficult problems,” he added.

“This is not about our past, and it’s not just about black and white.
This is about our future, in the sense that this was the great crucible
in the potential for democratic citizenship.

“This is a movement not about black and white and certainly not about
segregation. This is a movement about democracy and what it really means
and whether the citizens really control things … If we own an equal
piece of this country, then it’s our job to fix it.”

We shall overcome, we shall overcome,

We shall overcome someday. 

Oh, deep in our hearts we do believe

We shall overcome someday.

--
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