Dr. King and the 1955-1956 Montgomery bus boycott

A year-long boycott begins a life of peaceful protest and service

by Charlene Crowell

Depicting the spirit of the Montgomery bus boycott, this cartoon by
Laura Gray first appeared in The Militant on March 26, 1956.

Although America’s Declaration of Independence and Constitution are
premised on the principles of democracy, the historical treatment of
America’s citizens of color is replete with racial dichotomies. Even
today, the vestiges of slavery, Civil War, Reconstruction and
segregationist Jim Crow laws to the more recent federal laws for voting
rights, fair housing and community reinvestment have yet to assure
succeeding generations of African-Americans all of the freedoms afforded
a citizen of the United States.

As our nation again marks an annual tribute to Dr. Martin Luther King,
now is a timely moment to recall how a youthful but principled leader
emerged at a time when this nation was directly challenged to honor its
promises of citizenship. Neither age nor long-standing community roots
were required to effect meaningful and lasting change. Today’s youth
need to know and adults need to be reminded that it was at the young age
of 25 that Dr. King began what would become his first successful and
peaceful protest: the year-long Montgomery bus boycott.

In the fall of 1954, Dr. King began his service as pastor to Dexter
Avenue Baptist Church. Shortly after his arrival in Montgomery, he met a
ministerial colleague who would become his life-long deputy – Rev. Dr.
Ralph Abernathy.

This iconic picture of the Montgomery bus boycott conveys the
determination – not grim, but joyful – of 40,000 people unifying to
demand their dignity and feeling their power

Explaining the notable differences in Montgomery’s Black churches, Rev.
Abernathy advised King, “At my church, you may talk about Jesus. You may
preach about Jesus from the pulpit. But at Dexter, they would prefer
that you not mention his name.”

Despite this advice, Dr. King pursued innovative ideas for his
pastorate. At his first sermon at Dexter Avenue, he presented two dozen
written recommendations that would reorganize the church’s committees
and bank accounts. The list also included a requirement for every member
of Dexter to be a registered voter. In 1954, less than 5 percent of
Alabama Negroes were registered to vote.

With his recommendations accepted, the church moved forward with the
formal installation services that took place on Oct. 31, 1954.

A few months later, on March 2, 1955, Claudette Colvin, a student at
Montgomery’s Booker T. Washington High School was arrested by city
police for refusing to give up a bus seat to a White passenger. Later
that year another Black female, Mary Louise Smith, was also arrested for
the same offense. In neither of these instances was the Montgomery NAACP
prompted to action or protest. The local chapter seemed to feel that the
backgrounds of the student and Ms. Smith would not withstand the
scrutiny of White prosecutors.

In those days in Alabama, the first 10 seats on Montgomery buses were
always reserved for Whites. If the White section filled up, the colored
section was made smaller.

But, on Thursday evening, Dec. 1, 1955, Rosa Parks, a local seamstress
and secretary of the Montgomery NAACP, decided to ride home on the
Cleveland Avenue bus from her job at a downtown Montgomery department
store. When the white section filled up, the bus driver asked four
Blacks to move. Three other Black passengers complied with the order.
Rosa Parks refused, and the driver called the police.

Martin Luther King Jr. speaks to a packed church during the Montgomery
bus boycott. – Source: © Dan Weiner, courtesy of Sandra Weiner

Twelve years earlier, Mrs. Parks had been evicted by the same driver on
another bus.

Recalling the events of that day, Mrs. Parks said, “I didn’t consider
myself breaking any segregation laws. I just felt resigned to give what
I could to protest against the way I was being treated.” The one phone
call she was allowed from jail led to the response of another local
NAACP official, E.D. Nixon. A Pullman porter by trade, Nixon aided the
release of Mrs. Parks on a $100 bond. Her trial was set for Dec. 5.

The following day, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. received a phone call from
Nixon. As he recounted the events of the previous evening, Nixon told
Dr. King: “We have taken this thing too long already. We got to boycott
the buses, make it clear to the white folks that we ain’t taking this
type of treatment any longer.”

Dr. King agreed and offered Dexter Avenue Baptist Church as a meeting
place for community leaders. By consensus, they would decide the best
course of action. Almost 50 ministers and civic leaders attended the
meeting. They agreed that the bus boycott would begin on the following
Monday, Dec. 5, the same day as Mrs. Parks’ trial. Some 52,000 flyers
were printed and distributed to announce the boycott.

The now-famous Montgomery boycott actually borrowed some of its strategy
from an earlier, but little-known, effort. In 1953, Rev. T.J. Jemison,
then secretary of the National Baptist Convention, organized a bus
boycott in Baton Rouge, Louisiana. After local Louisiana officials
banned the use of cut-rate and unlicensed taxi service, Jemison
organized a car pool to provide alternative transportation. That effort
lasted only two weeks.

On Dec. 5, 1955, Dr. King, the newly-appointed president of the
Montgomery Improvement Association (MIA), delivered his first speech on
the bus boycott. An overflow crowd of thousands at Holt Street Baptist
spilled out of the church and into the streets. Outdoor loudspeakers
were set up to enable all in attendance to hear the first address of the
young and emerging leader.

Rev. Martin Luther King, 26, speaks to the press after his arrest for
conspiracy to boycott, violating Alabama’s anti-boycott law, during the
Montgomery bus boycott in 1956. – Photo: Gene Herrick, AP

With little time to prepare his remarks, Dr. King’s spell-binding
oratory and Baptist cadence captured the spirit of an angry Montgomery
Black community. “There comes a time, my friends, when people get tired
of being thrown across the abyss of humiliation, where they experience
the bleakness of nagging despair. There comes a time when people get
tired of being pushed out of the glittering sunlight of life’s July and
left standing amidst the piercing chill of an Alpine November.”

“I want it to be known”, King continued, “that we’re going to work with
grim and bold determination – to gain justice on the buses in this city.
And we are not wrong. We are not wrong in what we are doing. If we are
wrong – the Supreme Court of this nation is wrong. If we are wrong – God
Almighty is wrong! And, we are determined here in Montgomery to work and
fight until justice rolls down like water and righteousness like a
mighty stream!”

A series of negotiating sessions began in early December as well. The
protesters had three specific goals:

• Treat Negroes with greater courtesy;

• Hire Negro drivers for Negro routes; and

• Desegregate bus seating.

In response, white negotiators insisted on racially segregated seating
and active negotiations soon stalled.

With the Christmas shopping season fast approaching, Dr. King proposed
that instead of traditional gift shopping, Montgomery Negroes should
rally to the original meaning of the season and refuse to shop at all.
Monies set aside for gifts was proposed to be divided three ways among
savings account, charity donations and gifts to the MIA.

By January 1956, Montgomery’s bus company advised city commissioners
that the loss of revenues had led to the likelihood of bankruptcy. In
reaction, the mayor and White Citizens Council called for White
residents to stop using their private cars and ride city buses instead.
When fare revenues did not improve, a fare hike was approved.

That same month, the city’s daily paper, the Montgomery Advertiser,
began running news reports on the bus boycott. The first article,
printed Jan. 10, suggested that a White Lutheran minister was
responsible for nearly 350 daily car rides and raising $7,000 to support
the ongoing protest. However a follow-up report on Jan. 19 appeared with
the headline, “Rev. King is Boycott Boss.”

On a tip from Carl Rowan, one of the few Black journalists of that time,
Dr. King was alerted in late January to a Sunday news article that was
to announce the end the boycott. The article was to claim that Negroes
would return to the buses the following business day. Dr. King advised
Rowan that he knew of nothing in that regard.

For more than a year, Montgomery’s 30,000 Black residents walked,
hitchhiked, bicycled, taxied and used every means of transportation
except the city buses. Black taxi companies reduced regular rates to the
same 10 cents charged by the bus company. As time went on, cab fares
returned to the regular 45 cents.

On Feb. 1, 1956, the Montgomery Improvement Association filed a lawsuit
in federal district court. Four months later, on June 2, the federal
court declared that segregated bus seating was unconstitutional. Later,
the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the ruling.

On Dec. 20, 1956, the order to integrate buses was served on
Montgomery’s officials.

In the year of the boycott, the transit company reportedly lost $250,000
in revenues. Moreover, the city lost thousands of additional dollars in
taxes. Montgomery retail merchants estimated their losses to be in the
millions.

The boycott and its success won Dr. King as much widespread appreciation
as it did resentment. In a December 1954 letter to his son, Dr. Martin
Luther King Sr. prophetically advised: “You see, young man, you are
becoming very popular. As I told you, you must be very much in prayer.
Persons like you are the ones the devil turns all of his forces loose to
destroy.”

Carlene Crowell is a regular columnist for NNPA, the National Newspaper
Publishers Association, which serves nearly 200 Black newspapers. Read
more stories from the Black press at www.BlackPressUSA.com.

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