Keith
 
I agree and I wish I had written that book.  Actually if you study the roots of the Co-operative movement one would discover that the problem was understood, perhaps not precisely as we understand today but they did understand and that was the purpose of the movement, to counter the control and the roots of control.  I also agree with the comments about the book, it goes far beyond accounting.  The problem, as I see it and as I have said before, we spend so much time arguing or discussing the accounting and its hows and whys. 
 
There is criticism about Alberta founding a Social Credit political party and how it failed but the truth is that it exposes how the people who believed in Social Credit at the time were also mislead into believing that Alberta was a sovereign state and had the power to implement monetary reform.  The Supreme Court of Canada determined that it was not and did not have the power.  That is why the best they could do in that regard was the Alberta Treasury Branch and the Heritage Fund, both of which have been changed by the Conservative government.
 
The problem with that "First Trench" is the vulnerability to being seen as conspiracy theorists.
 
Chick
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Tuesday, September 02, 2003 9:32 AM
Subject: Re: [SOCIAL CREDIT] The first trench

Hi Joe,
 
Your message below prompts the following comments:
 
I didn't mean to be pointing a critical finger at the efforts of individual proponents of Social Credit or to their collective decision to take a political party approach--even though retrospectively that one did fail.  I was instead pointing out and lamenting what seems to me (and I will be pleased to be corrected on this) to be the absence of a major effort by scholars in history and philosophy to expand on two Douglas themes in particular:
    1.  That individuals can and do successfully conspire behind the scenes to orchestrate big events so that they move in a desired direction;
    2.   That moral philosophy deteriorated, starting with Aquinas (is that M.J. Adler I hear, turning over in his grave?) so that teachings of the Christian church departed from New Testment norms and gradually took on an Old Testament flavor, deteriorating especially at the hands of Calvin (and reaching a nadir with the paramount influence today of Ayn Randism on social  policy).
 
Now those are big, heavy subjects and they compare to the economic issue as tacking a 14-foot sailboat compares to turning an oil tanker at sea. That first trench is huge, but until it is crossed mere political campaigners will continue to fall on the bayonets of its defenders. In other words, I think Bill Ryan is right in pointing out that the economic arguments are ready to hand, but I fear he will not get the appointment he deserves to a reputable university department of economics until some heavy-hitting historians and philosophers have dampened the powder of the trench defenders.  Acceptance of the Douglas economic policy prescriptions depends on a shift in popular opinions--a cultural shift. And a direct approach is unlikely to pull it off.  That has been demonstrated by the political party.  And that is why I suggested several months ago on this list that people who want to propagate the cultural shift would help their cause by avoiding the term Social Credit--for exactly the same reason as Bill wishes we would not bring up the anti-semitism word.
 
Economic history, or history from the economic perspective, is a reputable subject, but I wonder how many people know that many of its outstanding practitioners have been Marxian? (Cf. Hayek on Capitalism and the Historians.) That is because Marx' own orientation to economic analysis was that of processes (impersonal) operating through time. A lot of historians seem to take that large-scale, process orientation to interpreting human and social events.  In that perspective, prominent individuals are reduced in significance to something like automatons moved by destiny.  By contrast, some interpreters believe that history is shaped by well-positioned individuals who are able to seize the levers of power and manipulate people and events in their own interest. In the conventional culture of academic historians (and journalists--hence most of the rest of us), these persons are dismissed as "conspiracy theorists".  Douglas was one of those, and many of his admirers seem to have trod the same path.  And that is one reason why the anti-semitism label sticks. 
 
Before going further I want to emphasize that I can see that intelligent, resourceful, honest and dedicated individuals have made many persuasive expositions of Douglas" ideas over the past half century--judging only by contributions recommended to me by participants on this list.  Most of them appear under the Social Credit label, however, and for many readers that is taken as the equivalent of something like the Protocols of the Elders of Zion. "Don't need to bother reading that!"  I have experienced something like an epiphany on this subject over the past couple of months, however. 
 
Although once contemptuous of conspiracy theorists, I have had to recognize that not all of them are self-deluded liars. I don't want to repeat what I have already posted here over the past five days, Joe, but suggest that you read them, including the attachment to "Reply to Victor's latest clarification", if you want to get the flavor of my epiphany.  Preparing the ground for acceptance of Douglas policies will take more efforts of the kind represented by Zarlenga's Lost Science of Money and by Michael Lane's ongoing focus on the philosophic superiority of some pre-modern thinking.  That kind of work has to become mainstream along with Ryan's expositions of the economic arguments. Part of the former task will be to clean out the odious stables of conspiracy theorists--an example of which appeared recently on the ALOR site, promoting uncritically the slimy, misleading text of The Naked Capitalist.
 
Rather than partisan arguments, maybe Social Crediters should focus on getting some academic research focused on these first trench questions--keeping quiet about the origins of the idea like the economic historians were about their Marxian orientation.  And try it someplace far from Alberta or B.C., like St. F-X  in the Maritimes or St. Paul's in Ottawa, and in some RC bastion in Baltimore, e.g. 
 
Keith
 
 
----- Original Message -----
Sent: Monday, September 01, 2003 3:44 PM
Subject: Re: [SOCIAL CREDIT] The first trench

In a message dated 9/1/03 2:12:32 PM Pacific Daylight Time, [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes:


Bill Ryan's arguments in his discussion with Joe Thomson suggest that that first trench can be ignored. He suggests that free will implies an openness to rational persuasion. A utopian sentiment if I ever heard one!  And I know very well that Bill has sufficient experience to understand that boneheads also have free will.

Unfortunately, that first trench is not only wide but also deep. And unless I have missed something very big, the remnants of Douglas followers have not taken up the torch in a reputably persuasive fashion.


Hello Keith,

There would be no one more happy than I if that 'first trench' didn't have to be taken.  That someone with a far greater knowledge of economics than most of us will ever possess, Bill Ryan himself perhaps,  could convince the powers-that-be that there was merit in the Social Credit economic ideas, and the philosophy behind them.  And that they should be given an honest, objective, and thorough study, and even possibly a trial somewhere.  But I think a study of the experience in Alberta and elsewhere indicates this isn't going to happen.  Social Credit is highly unlikely to come to pass this way, largely for the same reasons it wasn't allowed to be tried there then.

Douglas himself made a very rational case of persuasion in the 1920's and early '30's.  No one, to my knowledge, could prove positively that his concepts wouldn't work, or wouldn't be beneficial to most people.  But his opponents did try, and they're still occasionally trying. (Gary North's self-described 'scholarly study'  Salvation Through Inflation was a recent attempt Though 'pulp-fiction' would be a more apt description of that effort , in my opinion!).   So we keep coming back to that 'first trench'.  And in regards to the 'anti-semitism' allegation as the reason for failure, we are looking at that with a rather more enlightened viewpoint now than was prevalent generally in Douglas's time. When there was a widespread, officially sanctioned prejudice against Jews in many places.  So I don't personally think that would have been much of a factor in those years prior to the war.

As for the second part of your comments above, it is true that Social Crediters haven't made great headway.  And there are a great many reasons for that, but I would say one of the primary ones in Canada was the attempt to compromise the basic Douglas concepts when it was thought the 'political party' route was the quickest way to success.  Once that path was started down, it was increasingly difficult to avoid more and more 'compromise', until Social Credit in the Party form often bore scant resemblence to anything put forth by C H Douglas.  This is still a problem, though it may become less so in the future.

Joe
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