<**>Crop rotation meant sacrificing a more preferred 
crop for a less preferred one. Thus, people 
sacrificed the more immediate satisfaction in order 
to raise the productivity of their land in the 
future.<**>
--------------------

No "immediate" satisfaction was sacrificed.  With 
seasonal planting they simply substituted three field 
for two field.  Farmers so doing increased the 
productivity of their land immediately.  It is said 
that Charlemagne came up with the idea himself, and 
several historians say he actually did.  Certainly, 
edicts from the emperor helped speed the process 
along.  Nevertheless, it took two centuries for the 
technology to diffuse throughout Europe.

"Under the two field system, if one has a total of 
600 fertile acres of land, one would only plant 300 
acres. Under the new three-field rotation system, one 
would plant (and thereby harvest) 400 acres. But, the 
additional crops had a more significant effect than 
mere productivity. Since the Spring crops were mostly 
legumes, they increased the overall nutrition of the 
people of Northern Europe."
--

<**>The person who invented and produced the horse 
harness could have continued to use the ox in order 
to get more immediate satisfaction. But he chose to 
forego that in order to increase the productivity of 
his work and of the land.<**>
--------------------

Oxen naturally die and you have to replace them 
anyway.  So where is the "sacrifice" when you replace 
your dead ox with a horse?

"Western Europe was largely a primitive wilderness 
until three centuries after the Roman Empire's last 
gasp. When it emerged as a new civilization, it did 
so with the help of the new technologies of water and 
wind power. Europe ultimately did far more with those 
power sources than the Romans ever had. 

"But water and wind power had to wait until European 
agriculture became productive enough to support towns 
with masons and artisans -- people free to do more 
than just labor for food. That, in turn, meant we 
needed a more powerful beast than the plodding ox to 
pull plows through the heavy, wet Northern European 
soil. Horses had to be woven into farming before a 
civilization could emerge. 

"In the mid 8th century the Frankish kings began 
breeding horses for military use. But three things 
kept people from using those horses in farming: Their 
hooves softened and cracked in damp soil. When they 
were harnessed in an ox yoke, any heavy load cut off 
their wind. And horses needed a better diet than 
oxen. They couldn't just graze grass; they also 
needed crude protein. 

"The nailed horseshoe and then the horse collar had 
solved two of these problems by the 9th century. It 
was also in the 9th century that people found a 
solution to the problem of feeding horses. But it 
takes more than a solution to remove a problem. And 
that's where the plot thickens. 

"The solution went like this: Ninth-century farmers 
used two fields with one active and the other one 
idle (or fallow.) That kept them from robbing the 
soil of nutrients and making it unproductive. Then 
someone discovered they could use a field two years 
out of three if they planted it with one crop in the 
fall and a different crop in the spring, a year and a 
half later. 

"That meant farmers could break their holdings into 
three fields. They could plant one with wheat or rye 
in the fall for human consumption. A second could be 
used in the spring to raise peas, beans, and lentils 
for human use and oats and barley for the horses. The 
third field lay fallow. Each year they rotated the 
use among the three fields. We remember the spring 
planting in a nursery rhyme which you may've heard, 

'Do you, do I, does anyone know,
How oats, peas, beans, and barley grow?'"
--

<**>But the main point I would make here is that the 
user of the A + B theorem chooses a starting point. 
He assumes (1) that the firm is a going concern and 
(2) that revenue must first be received by the firm 
before incomes can be paid out.<**>
--------------------

(1) The theorem is structured in the form of reductio 
ad absurdum.  It does start with the assumption that 
the rate of flow of cash disbursements by the 
statistical firm (as a going concern) equals the rate 
of flow of its receipts per accounting period that 
encompasses the totality of the structure of 
production.  In symbolic form that assumption is 
expressed: A + B = A.  It thereby demonstrates that 
this assumption is not possible if there is an 
increasing ratio of B to A since that must 
necessarily lead to the contradiction:  A does not 
equal A.  The changing ratio is accommodated by the 
missing element: credit, such that A + B = A + 
credit.

The method of praxeology does not seem to contemplate 
the technique of reductio ad absurdum.  

It was through reductio that Goedel demonstrated his 
famous incompleteness theorem.  The theorem concludes 
that any - repeat - any formally mathematical or 
logical system that starts from a finite set of 
axioms or rules must be either *incomplete* or 
internally *contradictory*.  The theorem (meaning 
Goedel's) should someday be recognized as the most 
important discovery of the twentieth century.  There 
are lots of reasons for this I won't get into now.

>From the theorem, Goedel tells us that starting from 
our finite set of arbitrarily chosen axioms; we will 
at some point in our extrapolation necessarily deduce 
facts that are contrary to reality.  We will see the 
existence of things that do not exist, or be blind to 
the existence of things that do exist.

The method of science is to not only test the 
conclusions from axioms, but the very axioms 
themselves and the rules that lead from one to the 
other.
--

(2)  There is no "first."  The assumption is that the 
rate of flow inputted equals the rate of flow 
outputted.
--

<**>The product that a worker in a manufacturing 
process helps to produce is not sold until some 
future date. The money used to pay his wages or 
salary must come from somewhere else.<**>
--------------------

The manufacturing process we are considering is the 
firms sector in respect of consumers.  We might as 
well say that the money they use to purchase the 
products of industry must come from somewhere else.  
The money they spend comes from firms.  The money 
firms spend comes from consumers.  That would be 
mistaken because our statement would be incomplete in 
the Goedelian sense.

Think of a pipeline in continuous flow from wellhead 
to refinery.  The pipeline contains a volume that is 
forever in subtrahend to system flow.  At any point 
in time, the volume inputted into the pipeline will 
have exceeded the volume outputted.  For any ordinary 
pipeline, however, that volume is a fixed constant 
that is becoming a smaller and smaller percentage of 
total flow as time progresses, so that it effectively 
becomes inconsequential in the fullness of time.  
dV/dt = 0.  We may legitimately say that the rate of 
flow of inputs equal the rate of flow of outputs.  
But if the dimensions of that pipeline are expanding 
in terms of length and diameter - this does require 
some abstract thinking - the volume contained within 
the pipeline is always increasing.  So the rate of 
flow inputted is always exceeding the rate of flow 
outputted.  dV/dt > 0.  If the rate of increase to 
the pipeline's volume remains proportional to the 
rate of increase to the pipeline's inputs, the 
pipeline's outputs through time remain proportional 
the pipeline's inputs.  But if that rate of increase 
to the pipeline's volume is not proportional to its 
inputs, its outputs are something other than 
proportional to its inputs.

We submit that account balances held by firms and 
consumers are analogous to the pipeline's volume, and 
that the ordinary methods of double entry accounting 
can accommodate outputs that are proportional to 
inputs, but are quite incapable of accommodating 
disproportionality.

That requires either scrapping the present system and 
substituting something better, or consciously 
adjusting for its deficiencies as they occur.  The 
first is flight to utopia; the second is mere 
engineering.  It is through engineering that we most 
easily achieve technical efficiency in a market 
economy.
--

<**>...firms were surely not created by God. Nor did 
they arise through some natural selection process. 
Someone consciously chose to form one. When she did 
this, she most likely financed it by foregoing more 
immediate consumption -- i.e., by saving.<**>
--------------------

This can occur as a matter of statistics only in a 
system with mechanisms of credit.  It cannot occur in 
a system with a fixed quantity of money with no 
credit.  I'll elaborate on this later.
--

<**>The A + B theorem also disregards discovery and 
innovation. Otherwise, it would address itself to the 
possibility that these actions would reduce prices 
and enable consumers to buy all that producers have 
produced, even though consumers save some of their 
income.<**>
--------------------

The Douglas quotation from 1925 refers to the effects 
from a *change* in behavior.  The income that she has 
received has already been costed into goods that 
exist.  It means that they cannot be sold for their 
costs of production.  They can only be sold at a 
loss.  As a matter of accounting for the economy as a 
whole, a continually falling price level means 
continual loss to the entrepreneur, so he responds by 
spiraling down production.

Of much more concern is the change of behavior by 
firms and their bankers, which has a lot to do with 
psychology and superstition that we can't nor should 
attempt to control.

An increasing ratio of B to A is effectively 
perpetual credit contraction, which results in the 
permanently under performing economy.  We rectify 
that by seizing control of the control variable.
--

<**>I wrote that I have no idea what Bill means by 
the banking sector or the consuming sector. My point 
is directly relevant to the point I made in the last 
paragraph. He wants to describe the dynamic process 
by dividing it into elements, which include the 
"banking sector" and the "consuming sector." Yet he 
did not tell us how he formed an image of these 
sectors.<**>
--------------------

The difference is like the difference between the 
newer heliocentric view and the earlier geocentric 
view.  Each is as technically correct as the other as 
a matter of pure physics.  In fact, the sun and earth 
revolve about each other in a complex system of 
ellipses.  But one model allows us to reach 
conclusions that are impossible in the other.
--


---original message---

Date:   Sun, 02 Nov 2003 13:26:37 +0800 
From:   Pat Gunning <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Subject:   Re: [SOCIAL CREDIT] National dividend? 
To:   [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Reply To:   [EMAIL PROTECTED]

Bill, it seems to me that you are using your critical powers to dispute my claims 
while exempting Douglas from the same kind of criticism. My assessment is that Douglas 
tried to use the same method I used to comprehend the phenomena of the occasional 
boom-bust cycle. However, he chose a different starting point. I believe that that was 
a mistake. You seem to argue on the one hand that this method is incorrect yet that 
Douglas's A + B theorem is also correct. This seems a contradiction, even from your 
own perspective.

Two minor points before continuing. I would not call Gary North a prominent Austrian 
economist. In any case, there is not much similarity between his work and my own. 
Also, your lumping neoclassical with Austrian economics would be very much disputed by 
today's American Austrians, although not by me. The American Austrians tend to equate 
neoclassical economics with the use of econometrics and mathematical modeling.

Now on to the chase:

In my earlier message, I wrote about the method used in economics to understand a 
phenomenon. This method consists of contrasting a situation in which an item is 
present with a situation in which it is absent. This is also the method economics uses 
to define phenomena. It has been called the isolating method and may have first been 
described in economics by the Austrian economist Frederick Weiser. (It is discussed in 
Mises's Human Action in chapter 14.) It was the centerpiece of Ludwig von Mises's 
praxeological economics. Bill claims this procedure disregards dynamics and that, as a 
result, it is not scientific. Regarding the latter, he writes:

"The scientific approach is to relate the elements statistically against time, so that 
every observable process becomes the function of their singular commonality, time.  
Time is the one reality that ties everything in the ponderable world together, and 
makes them comprehensible."

This is indeed what science appears to mean to the typical mainstream economist today. 
The fact that Clive Granger was a co-winner of this years Nobel prize in economics is 
a partial confirmation of this view. This does not make it right, however.

I would make two points about this argument:

1. Up to now, I have not seen Bill refer to econometrics studies to confirm his 
hypothesis that the organization of society in which firms produce goods leads to a 
situation where consumers receive insufficient income to buy those goods. The 
question, then, is why he would introduce this point here. Perhaps I misunderstand.

2. The isolating method that I described does not inherently abstract from time. Quite 
the contrary. The method of isolating one element from the panoply of elements that 
influence the data in which one is interested is just as relevant to comprehending the 
"dynamic process" as it is to comprehending any other phenomena or process. It is more 
relevant to the task of comprehending economic elements or variables than for 
comprehending strictly physical elements. This is because of the variability of human 
action over time and because it is virtually impossible to carry out experiments that 
control for all of the variables that one would wish to control for. Nevertheless, the 
method is also used in physics, biology and other natural sciences. Specifically, it 
is used as a means (1) of thinking up experiments to do and (2) of comprehending 
phenomena when doing experiments is especially costly or impossible (as in astronomy 
and evolutionary biology).

    Consider what he writes:

"It is not scientific to arbitrarily choose any single element from a dynamic process 
as a starting point, for that starting point becomes the axiom to the exclusion of 
everything else that determines the conclusion."

I contend that it is meaningless to even speak of an "element" in a dynamic process 
until one has chosen to isolate that element mentally from the rest. Thus, in my view, 
Bill has already used the method to which I refer, albeit without realizing it. The 
issue is not whether the method "should" be used. In fact, it is used and must be 
used. The only question is whether it is used properly to deal with the questions or 
problems one faces. Of course, one should never forget that the elements of a process, 
are in fact not isolated.

I wrote that I have no idea what Bill means by the banking sector or the consuming 
sector. My point is directly relevant to the point I made in the last paragraph. He 
wants to describe the dynamic process by dividing it into elements, which include the 
"banking sector" and the "consuming sector." Yet he did not tell us how he formed an 
image of these sectors. Part of my claim is that it is necessary to use the isolating 
method to do this. One cannot meaningfully use the term "banking sector" or "consuming 
sector" without conducting the mental experiment of isolating the element to which he 
wants such a term to refer. When I said that these terms had no meaning, I meant that 
Bill had not provided one. That is, he had not defined these terms. Thus his statement 
was not meaningful.

I can express these ideas using the forest-tree metaphor. Trees and forests are 
co-defined. It is not possible to define either of these without using the isolating 
method.

<**>You seem to be saying that an increase in saving 
relative to consuming would cause a deepening of the 
structure of production.<**>

That would assume that saving is a cause.  It is true 
that there is saving, investment, development, 
production and consumption.  They are elements of a 
continuous dynamic process that is creditary, not 
monetary.  That is to say it is contractual in that it 
contemplates future performance.  No one element can 
be considered to the "cause" of any other.  Human 
beings may intervene at any point to achieve what 
they want to achieve.  That intervention becomes the 
cause of the change.
  
I have trouble with the terms "creditary" and "monetary" and with some of the other 
terminology in your statement. But the main point I would make here is that the user 
of the A + B theorem chooses a starting point. He assumes (1) that the firm is a going 
concern and (2) that revenue must first be received by the firm before incomes can be 
paid out. Regarding #1, firms were surely not created by God. Nor did they arise 
through some natural selection process. Someone consciously chose to form one. When 
she did this, she most likely financed it by foregoing more immediate consumption -- 
i.e., by saving. I believe that the proponents of the A + B theorem have chosen a 
starting point that is inappropriate for comprehending the dynamic processes of 
incomes being produced and spent.  Regarding #2, this assumption is unrealistic for 
most businesses. The product that a worker in a manufacturing process helps to produce 
is not sold until some future date. The money used to pay his wages
 or salary must come from somewhere else.

--

<**>More resources would be devoted to the production 
of capital goods and less to the production of 
consumer goods.<**>

Implicit is the false assumption that there is no 
improvement to process, discovery or innovation and 
there is only a fixed quantity of resources available 
for exploitation.
  
Absolutely correct. If one aims to discuss innovation, one must use a different 
starting point. The A + B theorem also disregards discovery and innovation. Otherwise, 
it would address itself to the possibility that these actions would reduce prices and 
enable consumers to buy all that producers have produced, even though consumers save 
some of their income. Bill should apply the same critical analysis to his own 
reasoning (and that of Major Douglas) that he applies to mine.

--

Let me give you a just two dramatic examples of 
technological innovation that enabled the structure 
of production to be lengthened without diversion from 
existing resource utilization. Three field crop 
rotation, which effectively increased the quantity of 
arable land by leaving only a third of it fallow, as 
opposed to two field rotation, which always left half 
of it fallow.  The horse harness, which enabled the 
man behind the plow to cultivate twice as much land 
per day than was possible behind an ox.

Neither had anything to do with "prior" saving in any 
real sense.  Both were introduced after the fall of 
Rome, during the so-called Middle Ages before the 
development of the scientific method and Industrial 
Revolution, which accelerated the process.
  
--

I beg to differ. Crop rotation meant sacrificing a more preferred crop for a less 
preferred one. Thus, people sacrificed the more immediate satisfaction in order to 
raise the productivity of their land in the future. The person who invented and 
produced the horse harness could have continued to use the ox in order to get more 
immediate satisfaction. But he chose to forego that in order to increase the 
productivity of his work and of the land.

--

Douglas said in 1925:

"If I have an income of £500 per annum and I save, as 
the phrase goes, £100 per annum of this sum, either 
by the simple process of putting it in a bank, or by 
the investment of it in an insurance policy, I 
decrease my expenditure by 20 per cent., and I 
certainly provide myself with money for use at some 
future time.  But there is no physical saving 
corresponding to this money saving.  In fact, owing 
to the interconnection of the financial system with 
the producing system, there is probably an actual 
destruction of wealth due to the fact that I do not 
spend the whole of my income.  More goods would have 
been drawn from the shops, more orders would have 
been given to the manufacturers to replace those 
goods, and consequently a real ability to produce 
more goods per unit of time would have been created, 
probably by an extension of manufacturing facilities, 
had I spent my income.  But if I save my money, only 
one of two things can possibly happen in the world of 
actualities: either goods which have been produced 
will not be bought and will therefore be wasted, or 
in anticipation of the fact that I should not buy 
them they will never have been produced..."
--

The choice of the wrong starting point results in a muddling of the point that Douglas 
wants to make. He wants to support the thesis that consumers will not have enough 
money to buy the goods that producers produce. Yet he completely disregards the 
possibility that the initial saving would be used, either directly or indirectly, to 
finance the hiring of workers to produce goods. If it is used in this way, producers 
will pay part of the incomes received by future consumers out of the consumers' past 
savings.

I agree that in the complex financial system that exists in a modern capitalist 
economy, an increase in consumer saving (or, more correctly, a change in consumer time 
preference) may not result in greater investment by firms. But this possibility should 
not be disregarded, especially if one's aim is to produce an airtight 
underconsumptionist theory as Douglas aimed to do. On the contrary, one has the 
obligation to show why the investment would not occur.

--

<**>I can think of no reason why "labor," in the 
usual definition, would be demanded less as a result 
of a shift from consumer goods production to capital 
goods production. <**>

All production is production for consumption, and is 
charged against sales into final consumption as a 
matter of accounting.  There is not a meaningful 
dichotomy between consumer goods production and 
capital goods production.  There is no trade-off 
between one and the other.  Labor and resources are 
not shifted from one to the other.  It isn't so much 
that labor is being "demanded" less but is being 
decreasingly compensated in respect to the accounted 
for costs of production they are expected to pay.
  
This is perhaps true as a "matter of accounting." But you are purporting to present an 
economic theory, not a classroom lesson in accounting.

There is no trade off between using resources to produce consumer goods and using 
resources to produce capital goods? Are you serious? Do you believe that consumers 
face tradoffs in their purchases of goods -- for example, trad offs between renting a 
home and buying a home?

--

<**>Where does the money come from? The simple 
answer, assuming that it is not financed by
newly-created money, is past money savings.<**>

Only in hypothetical steady state.
--
  
If you truly believe that this criticism is applicable here, you should also apply it 
to the A + B theorem.

What proposal do you suggest in order to deal with the problem of 
falling consumer incomes, assuming that you believe that this is in fact a 
characteristic of U.S. capitalism?
    
Can you answer this question?


-- 
Pat Gunning, Feng Chia University, Taiwan;
Web pages on Praxeological Economics, Democracy, Taiwan, Ludwig von Mises, Austrian
Economics, and my University Classes; 
http://www.constitution.org/pd/gunning/welcome.htm
and
http://knight.fcu.edu.tw/~gunning/welcome.htm
 
 




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