SUDHAKAR N S
SNR.LECT.
DIET, HAVERI.

On Sun, Feb 3, 2019 at 1:37 PM IT for Change - Education <
[email protected]> wrote:

> Dear Social Science teachers,
> sharing an article (a book review) worth reading and thinking about ...
> regards
> Guru
>
> Education’s most important job is to teach students to take an active role
> in their democracy, starting in their own communities.
>
> Albert W. Dzur <http://bostonreview.net/author/albert-w-dzur>
>
>
> http://bostonreview.net/education-opportunity/albert-w-dzur-teaching-citizenship
>
> *Awakening Democracy Through Public Work: Pedagogies of Empowerment*
>
> Harry C. Boyte with Marie Ström, Isak Tranvik, Tami Moore, Susan O’Connor,
> and Donna Patterson - Vanderbilt University Press, $24.95 (paper)
> <https://www.vanderbilt.edu/university-press/book/9780826522184>
>
> For decades, political theorist Harry Boyte has been a pioneer of
> community-level, direct democracy. His central thesis is that democracy is
> “public work,” “sustained, uncoerced effort by a mix of people who create
> things of lasting civic or public significance.” This perspective invites
> people of all walks of life and professions to consider how, in their daily
> routines, they can contribute to a stronger, more supportive, and more
> participatory social environment. Boyte describes his view of citizenship
> as “an approach . . . in which *citizens are co-creators, builders of the
> common world, not simply voters and volunteers who fit into that world or
> protestors who oppose it*.” He has been honing these ideas since his
> college days, when he was field secretary to Martin Luther King, Jr., in
> the Southern Christian Leadership Conference and encountered the southern
> citizenship schools that arose from the civil rights movement. In his new
> book, *Awakening Democracy Through Public Work*, Boyte, now a senior
> scholar, offers a mature introduction to his thinking on citizen action,
> social change, and civic education.
>
> Civics education rarely teaches that ground-level citizen action is
> integral to having healthy communities. Democracy is something that happens
> elsewhere, and only to adults.
>
> Central to *Awakening Democracy Through Public Work *is Boyte’s belief
> that education’s most important role is to teach children and young adults
> how to be good citizens. Boyte focuses in particular on the Public
> Achievement program he and his co-authors have developed into an
> international network. (The book is dedicated to Boyte’s colleague Dennis
> Donovan, whose school, St. Bernard’s Elementary School, was the first
> experimental site for Public Achievement.) Most U.S. public schools used to
> offer some basic training in citizenship through civics courses that taught
> political history and basic facts about democratic institutions and the
> Constitution. Increasingly these programs, meager as they were, have been
> jettisoned by schools to make more space for STEM and teach-to-the-test
> curricula—but even when such basic civics education is still offered, it
> rarely seeks to convey the importance of ground-level citizen action to the
> functioning of healthy communities and institutions. Democracy is something
> that happens elsewhere, and only to adults.
>
> Boyte’s Public Achievement program for K–12 youth adopts a very different
> model. In it, “teams of young people . . . work over the school year on
> issues they choose. Their issues must be legal, tackled nonviolently, and
> make a public contribution.” At the beginning of the year, students hold an
> “issues convention” to discuss and prioritize the problems people most want
> to address during the year; then they form teams to work on them. Though
> the youth are coached by college students affiliated with Public
> Achievement, the priorities, strategies, and work are their own.
> Opportunities to hold positions of real responsibility—or for that matter
> fail (in ways that are instructive)—are therefore significantly greater
> than in service-learning programs that offer students ready-made volunteer
> roles. As Boyte puts it, “In Public Achievement, young people are conceived
> as co-creators, citizens today, not simply citizens-in-waiting. They help
> to build democracy in their schools, neighborhoods, and society.”
>
> My favorite example of Public Achievement in the book comes from a
> Minneapolis public school.
>
> One team of eight boys, including Mexican immigrants, Native Americans,
> and European Americans, expressed anger at the state of their bathroom. The
> stalls had no doors. Toilet paper and other supplies were missing. The
> walls were covered with obscenities. They named themselves “the Bathroom
> Busters” and decided to remedy the mess. Two coaches helped them to
> understand the issue in public terms larger than the bathroom itself. They
> decided, after discussion, that the issue was twofold: students’ disrespect
> for common property and the school system’s disrespect for students.
>
> In taking on this problem, the team had to learn how to deal with school
> bureaucracy, wrangle funding from district offices, gain the assent of
> union representatives—in short, do politics. But they also had to learn how
> to work with students who were not interested in Public Achievement. Though
> the bathrooms were fixed by the end of the year, the problems returned the
> next year as graffiti started showing up on the walls. So, the team started
> meeting with other kids in the school to develop a plan. What emerged was a
> mural created by the students for the bathroom walls, which remained
> graffiti free.
>
> What I like so much about this story is not that it was a success but that
> it reveals what kids can contribute to the everyday functioning of a highly
> institutionalized domain such as an urban public school. There are always
> scarcities, differences of opinion, and hierarchies of power and authority,
> even in the best funded and most well-run organization. To learn how to
> deal with these in a constructive way should be the essence of democratic
> education. Notice, too, that a problem that could have easily been labeled
> a “disciplinary” or even “criminal” issue—and thus a police matter—was
> instead addressed by the students themselves, thus keeping their classmates
> clear of the criminal justice system. This is a self-taught lesson in how
> to create social order.
>
> In Public Achievement programs, problems that would otherwise be labeled
> “disciplinary” or “criminal” issues are instead addressed by the students
> themselves, thus keeping their classmates clear of the criminal justice
> system.
>
> One of the most important tools learned by students in a Public
> Achievement program is called “power mapping.” In power mapping, an issue
> is discussed by the group to determine who has a stake in it. Power mapping
> is a “relational practice,” notes Boyte, which “radically changes young
> people’s perception of ‘power.’ Rather than seeing power only as an
> abstract category (‘others have power; we are powerless’), participants
> discover many kinds of power, many different interests around any question,
> and many potential ways to go about tackling a problem.” Another tool
> taught in the program is called “public evaluation,” in which students
> debrief at the end of a team meeting to talk about what worked, what
> didn’t, and whether people are accomplishing tasks they have set out for
> themselves—a process of learning how to be accountable to others. In
> addition to these basic tools, Public Achievement is marked by a
> fundamental commitment to self-direction: “Teams usually begin their work
> by setting their own rules. . . . They give their teams names. . . . They
> develop mission statements. They designate and rotate roles—moderator,
> timekeeper, notetaker, evaluation leader, and others.” Unfortunately,
> schools often subtly—or not so subtly—discourage autonomy, equality, and
> voice; Public Achievement, by contrast, thrives on these.
>
> These are, of course, common practices in the worlds of community
> organizing and social movements. But public work differs from these other
> forms of citizen action. Boyte points out that social movements can be
> successful at mobilizing dissent and opposition while failing to develop
> the kinds of common interests and civic skills that can sustain collective
> efforts over time. A kind of “reductionist” and “Manichean politics” can
> emerge that “polarizes civic life, objectifies and abstracts ‘the enemy,’
> erodes citizenship, communicates that politics is warfare, and narrows
> government to a ‘target’ for gaining resources, not a partner in problem
> solving.” Likewise, local community organizing efforts can sometimes
> neglect the role of non-local sources of power in blocking progress on
> solutions. Public work in this way is both hybrid and innovative, building
> on core aspects of historical organizing and social movement efforts while
> seeking broader impact than the former and deeper roots than the latter.
>
> At a time of great concern about the health of even established
> democracies, public work thinking offers a compelling diagnosis. Along with
> the blustering autocrats who are the obvious foes of democratic
> institutions, there is a more subtle and pervasive threat: a systemic way
> of thinking about politics and policy that places a premium on distance,
> expertise, and cool professionalism. Where the autocrat threatens democracy
> loudly, caging dissidents and investigating critics, the technocrat
> threatens it more quietly, creating the impression that the big problems
> facing society ought to be left to the people with degrees from the best
> schools. Boyte writes:
>
> Technocracy, control by experts, is accelerated by the efficiency
> principle and the digital revolution. It reifies settings that once served
> as sources of civic learning, turning not only schools but also
> congregations, local businesses, unions, nonprofits, and government
> agencies into service delivery operations. This dynamic renders civic life
> an off-hours activity in civil society, usually through volunteering or
> community service, which are experienced as oases of civic idealism and
> decency in a degraded world. A great challenge of our time is to develop a
> politics to enlist the broad energies of all citizen to address our
> multiplying challenges.
>
> If, as some suggest, it is anger at elites and the feeling of being shut
> out of meaningful decision-making that provide the greatest fuel for
> authoritarian politics, then the public work strategy of collective
> engagement and empowerment—beginning with the youngest citizens—may be the
> single best remedy.
>
> A key element of technocracy is the cultural capital generated by
> university credentialing and networks, and Boyte makes clear that colleges
> and universities have a critical role in awakening democracy. Public work
> thinking is a deep challenge to academic business as usual because no
> stand-alone center or program for encouraging “community engagement” will
> suffice. What is needed is a dramatic shift away from seeing citizenship as
> some kind of moral bonus, something to be done in the off-hours. This calls
> not so much for a shift in professional ethics as for a shift in practices:
> the current generation of academics must become sensitive to the
> debilitating effects of the technocratic world they have helped reproduce.
> They must also embrace the public dimensions of fields such as law
> enforcement, education, and health through horizontal collaborative
> relations with non-specialists. Augsburg University’s nursing program, for
> example, encourages that nurses pursue “meaningful interaction with ‘people
> living on the margins’” in the course of fulfilling their medical duties.
>
> Boyte’s vision for democratic renewal offers compelling remedies to the
> pervasive sense of dispossession felt by citizens across the ideological
> spectrum.
>
> Boyte’s vision for democratic renewal is invigorating, even as it raises
> important practical concerns. First is the chronic issue of how to embed
> practices such as those taught by Public Achievement into ongoing
> institutional environments without succumbing to tick-the-box bureaucracy.
> The program’s commitment to student autonomy helps here, but it will be
> good to learn more over time about how that commitment can be
> institutionalized in school systems without turning rigid. Second, it is no
> small challenge that the world of direct democracy is so distant from the
> world of finance capital. Many problems that harm local communities are not
> problems that can be realistically solved at the local level, but having an
> impact on politics at the federal, state, or even city level is
> increasingly difficult without deep pockets. Third, Boyte highlights mostly
> positive stories, but grassroots citizen politics can sometimes reject
> distant and aloof yet also sensible and useful expertise. Local, sometimes
> violent, conflicts over federal land management in the West come to mind.
> Do we have to take the good public work along with the bad for the sake of
> general democratic renewal? It is especially useful here for civic studies
> scholars to differentiate efforts that welcome in diverse forms of
> knowledge—working with rather than against professionals, for example—from
> those that shield themselves from critique.
>
> Regardless, *Awakening Democracy Through Public Work* offers compelling
> remedies to the pervasive sense of dispossession felt by citizens across
> the ideological spectrum—the sense that “our” institutions and politics do
> not have a meaningful place for us, that they move along without our help.
> We are informed and scolded by intellectuals, mobilized and asked for our
> vote or donations, but we are not treated as citizens who share
> load-bearing responsibility for law, policy, or community development.
> Boyte’s theory of public work and his practical Public Achievement program
> are critical for thinking about how institutions, politics, and public life
> might be recaptured in nonviolent, non-autocratic ways.
>
> Education Team
> IT for Change
> Bangalore
> www.ITforChange.net
> 080 26654134
>
> --
> -----------
> 1.ವಿಷಯ ಶಿಕ್ಷಕರ ವೇದಿಕೆಗೆ ಶಿಕ್ಷಕರನ್ನು ಸೇರಿಸಲು ಈ ಅರ್ಜಿಯನ್ನು ತುಂಬಿರಿ.
> -
> https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSevqRdFngjbDtOF8YxgeXeL8xF62rdXuLpGJIhK6qzMaJ_Dcw/viewform
> 2. ಇಮೇಲ್ ಕಳುಹಿಸುವಾಗ ಗಮನಿಸಬೇಕಾದ ಕೆಲವು ಮಾರ್ಗಸೂಚಿಗಳನ್ನು ಇಲ್ಲಿ ನೋಡಿ.
> -
> http://karnatakaeducation.org.in/KOER/index.php/ವಿಷಯಶಿಕ್ಷಕರವೇದಿಕೆ_ಸದಸ್ಯರ_ಇಮೇಲ್_ಮಾರ್ಗಸೂಚಿ
> 3. ಐ.ಸಿ.ಟಿ ಸಾಕ್ಷರತೆ ಬಗೆಗೆ ಯಾವುದೇ ರೀತಿಯ ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಗಳಿದ್ದಲ್ಲಿ ಈ ಪುಟಕ್ಕೆ ಭೇಟಿ
> ನೀಡಿ -
> http://karnatakaeducation.org.in/KOER/en/index.php/Portal:ICT_Literacy
> 4.ನೀವು ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕ ತಂತ್ರಾಂಶ ಬಳಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದೀರಾ ? ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕ ತಂತ್ರಾಂಶದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ
> ತಿಳಿಯಲು -
> http://karnatakaeducation.org.in/KOER/en/index.php/Public_Software
> -----------
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-- 
-----------
1.ವಿಷಯ ಶಿಕ್ಷಕರ ವೇದಿಕೆಗೆ  ಶಿಕ್ಷಕರನ್ನು ಸೇರಿಸಲು ಈ  ಅರ್ಜಿಯನ್ನು ತುಂಬಿರಿ.
 - 
https://docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1FAIpQLSevqRdFngjbDtOF8YxgeXeL8xF62rdXuLpGJIhK6qzMaJ_Dcw/viewform
2. ಇಮೇಲ್ ಕಳುಹಿಸುವಾಗ ಗಮನಿಸಬೇಕಾದ ಕೆಲವು ಮಾರ್ಗಸೂಚಿಗಳನ್ನು ಇಲ್ಲಿ ನೋಡಿ.
-http://karnatakaeducation.org.in/KOER/index.php/ವಿಷಯಶಿಕ್ಷಕರವೇದಿಕೆ_ಸದಸ್ಯರ_ಇಮೇಲ್_ಮಾರ್ಗಸೂಚಿ
3. ಐ.ಸಿ.ಟಿ ಸಾಕ್ಷರತೆ ಬಗೆಗೆ ಯಾವುದೇ ರೀತಿಯ ಪ್ರಶ್ನೆಗಳಿದ್ದಲ್ಲಿ ಈ ಪುಟಕ್ಕೆ ಭೇಟಿ ನೀಡಿ -
http://karnatakaeducation.org.in/KOER/en/index.php/Portal:ICT_Literacy
4.ನೀವು ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕ ತಂತ್ರಾಂಶ ಬಳಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದೀರಾ ? ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕ ತಂತ್ರಾಂಶದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ತಿಳಿಯಲು 
-http://karnatakaeducation.org.in/KOER/en/index.php/Public_Software
-----------
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